Stridentist Movement (1921–1928)

Author(s):  
Deborah Caplow

The Stridentist Movement [Movimiento Estridentista], founded by poet Manuel Maples Arce (1898–1981), was the only avant-garde Mexican literary and artistic group in the 1920s. The movement was centered in Mexico City from 1921–1925 and in Jalapa, Veracruz from 1925 until it disbanded in 1927. Stridentist writers wrote poetry characterized by formal and linguistic experimentation, which were illustrated by Stridentist artists. In this way they developed a style specific to the movement. They produced illustrated books, magazines, pamphlets and manifestos, in which text and image work together in a symbiotic fashion that shaped the political and artistic character of the movement. Like the Futurists, their aesthetic embraced such symbols of modernity as skyscrapers, aeroplanes, telephones, railroads and electric wires. Their influences were Cubism, Spanish Ultraismo, German Expressionism, Futurism, Dadaism and Constructivism. In an unusual combination of artistic internationalism and political nationalism, the Stridentists saw themselves as revolutionary, both artistically and politically, and their works included themes of the Mexican Revolution and its aftermath. Unique in Latin America at this time, the sophisticated appearance of the group, the cubo-futurist fragmentation and the dynamism that characterized the portraits, epitomize the inventiveness of the Stridentist vision.

2013 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 548-569 ◽  
Author(s):  
Markus-Michael Müller

Notwithstanding the democratization processes that have taken place since the 1980s, clientelism continues to be an important political practice throughout contemporary Latin America. By offering an analysis of the changing patterns of patron–client exchanges in Mexico City, this article demonstrates how the repercussions of the local democratization process expanded clientelist practices to the realm of public security provision. This expansion, it is argued, is related to efforts of the local government to regain previous levels of political control over the local police forces that had been undermined by the fragmentation of long-standing national patron–client structures under authoritarian rule. Additionally, it is demonstrated that in an increasingly insecure urban environment, local politicians and brokers realized the political gains to be derived from expanding clientelist exchanges to the realm of security provision.


Journeys ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-88
Author(s):  
Itzel Toledo García

This article aims to explore British traveler James Bryce’s political analysis of the Porfirian regime. In October 1901, Bryce visited Mexico and wrote letters to his family portraying his stay. Afterward, based upon his travel account, he spoke about the country in two conferences, one time in Oxford (1902) and another in Aberdeen (1903). Later on, he wrote about Mexico in his book South America: Observations and Impressions (1912), which was the result of his travels through Latin America in 1901 and 1910. We shall explore Bryce’s position toward the Porfirian regime, from disinterest in Porfirio Díaz’s despotism and the political elite in 1901 to admiration of its achievement of peace and progress in 1911 once the Mexican Revolution had commenced.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (11) ◽  
pp. 13-47
Author(s):  
Marco Frank ◽  
Alexandra Pita González

The present paper analyzes the main publications of the estridentist movement: Irradiador. Revista internacional de vanguardiaand Horizonte. Revista mensual de actividad contemporánea, published respectively in Mexico City and Jalapa between 1923 and 1927.We proceed from the premise that the periodicals allow to understand the fabric of ties that were needed for it to appear a new group of artistic and literary avant-garde. In this specific case, this implies paying attention to both the relations established by its founder, Manuel Maples Maple in a period prior to the date of publications, as well as the intellectual networks that were generated in magazines with partners and through them, with other periodical publications in Europe and Latin America. Thus, in considering the estridentismo as a vanguard and a network simultaneously, we focus on the association of actors through the magazines more than in their literary features.


Author(s):  
Albert O. Hirschman

This chapter examines the kind of cognitive style that hinders, or promotes, understanding. The topic is introduced with a critical look at two books that exemplify opposite styles—one a study of the Mexican revolution by Hirschman's young colleague at Harvard, John Womack, and the other a study of violence in Colombia by the political scientist James L. Payne. Hirschman has little sympathy for the latter and reserves some unflattering words for what he had seen as a disease in the social sciences—the search for models and paradigms that aim to prove theories rather than understand realities; among other things, the tendency had collapsed into old failurist nostrums Hirschman was combating in Latin America, and that were now infecting North American social science.


Author(s):  
Jessica M. Kim

This chapter explores how interest in Mexico continued to orient Los Angles toward the borderlands and Pacific world in the 1930s and through the post-war era. Los Angeles rebuilt its cross-border relationship with Mexico in the aftermath of the Mexican Revolution through the construction of a transnational highway running from Los Angeles to Mexico City. While the political borderline running horizontally between the two countries became increasingly rigid during this period, the construction of the International Pacific Highway reveals how regional elites hoped to strengthen ties through cross-border infrastructure, tourism, and trade. The Automobile Club of Southern California, precursor to the American Automobile Association, and a number of Mexican governors spearheaded the project, which they completed in 1957. Through the highway, elites in Los Angeles and in Mexico envisioned and negotiated a new regional relationship between two borderlands regions.


2003 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 267-268
Author(s):  
Sandra Kuntz Ficker

After a long decay, in the last decades of the nineteenth century the Mexican economy experienced a process of accelerated growth mainly associated with the export sector. As the latter developed and diversified, new opportunities for investment opened in agriculture, livestock rising, and mining. Starting in the 1890s, this process was also accompanied by an early phenomenon of import-substitution industrialization, which would continue to unfold until the Mexican Revolution broke out in 1910. Although industrial growth was “limited in scope and fraught with inefficiencies” (p. 187), it appears as an uncommon experience in an era dominated by export-led growth in Latin America and as one that has attracted less attention than it deserves in the historiography on Mexico. This is the subject of Edward Beatty's work.


1971 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 293-306 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael C. Meyer

THE Mexican Revolution was almost two and a half years old when General Victoriano Huerta captured the presidential chair. The chaotic period between November, 1910 and February, 1913 witnessed an ever-increasing militarization of the country which just a few years earlier had prided itself as the most stable republic and lucrative investment field in Latin America. When the military campaigns of the anti-Díaz movement began to assume serious proportions early in 1911, the government in Mexico City set out to increase at once the size and efficiency of the federal army and the rurales. Although Díaz efforts were for naught, the preparations themselves augured ominously for the immediate future. When the rebel general Pascual Orozco captured Ciudad Juárez in May of 1911, the die was cast. A small but effective revolutionary army, adept at guerrilla warfare, had humbled a professional fighting force schooled in the nineteenth-century German tradition.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-120
Author(s):  
Yousef M. Aljamal ◽  
Philipp O. Amour

There are some 700,000 Latin Americans of Palestinian origin, living in fourteen countries of South America. In particular, Palestinian diaspora communities have a considerable presence in Chile, Honduras, and El Salvador. Many members of these communities belong to the professional middle classes, a situation which enables them to play a prominent role in the political and economic life of their countries. The article explores the evolving attitudes of Latin American Palestinians towards the issue of Palestinian statehood. It shows the growing involvement of these communities in Palestinian affairs and their contribution in recent years towards the wide recognition of Palestinian rights — including the right to self-determination and statehood — in Latin America. But the political views of members of these communities also differ considerably about the form and substance of a Palestinian statehood and on the issue of a two-states versus one-state solution.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 55-60
Author(s):  
Barbara E. Mundy

This collection of essays reconsiders a seminal 1961 article by George Kubler, the most important art historian of Latin America of the English-speaking world at the time of its writing. Often greeted with indifference or hostility, Kubler’s central claim of extinction is still a highly contested one. The essays in this section deal with Kubler’s reception in Mexico, the political stakes of his claim in relation to indigeneity, as well as the utility of Kubler’s categories and objects of “extinction” beyond their original framing paradigm.


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