The Militarization of Mexico, 1913-1914

1971 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 293-306 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael C. Meyer

THE Mexican Revolution was almost two and a half years old when General Victoriano Huerta captured the presidential chair. The chaotic period between November, 1910 and February, 1913 witnessed an ever-increasing militarization of the country which just a few years earlier had prided itself as the most stable republic and lucrative investment field in Latin America. When the military campaigns of the anti-Díaz movement began to assume serious proportions early in 1911, the government in Mexico City set out to increase at once the size and efficiency of the federal army and the rurales. Although Díaz efforts were for naught, the preparations themselves augured ominously for the immediate future. When the rebel general Pascual Orozco captured Ciudad Juárez in May of 1911, the die was cast. A small but effective revolutionary army, adept at guerrilla warfare, had humbled a professional fighting force schooled in the nineteenth-century German tradition.

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 327-351
Author(s):  
Omar Velasco Herrera

Durante la primera mitad del siglo xix, las necesidades presupuestales del erario mexicano obligaron al gobierno a recurrir al endeudamiento y al arrendamiento de algunas de las casas de moneda más importantes del país. Este artículo examina las condiciones políticas y económicas que hicieron posible el relevo del capital británico por el estadounidense—en estricto sentido, californiano—como arrendatario de la Casa de Moneda de México en 1857. Asimismo, explora el desarrollo empresarial de Juan Temple para explicar la coyuntura política que hizo posible su llegada, y la de sus descendientes, a la administración de la ceca de la capital mexicana. During the first half of the nineteenth century, the budgetary needs of the Mexican treasury forced the government to resort to borrowing and leasing some of the most important mints in the country. This article examines the political and economic conditions that allowed for the replacement of British capital by United States capital—specifically, Californian—as the lessee of the Mexican National Mint in 1857. It also explores the development of Juan Temple’s entrepreneurship to explain the political circumstances that facilitated his admission, and that of his descendants, into the administration of the National Mint in Mexico City.


2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-103
Author(s):  
Aurora Gómez-Galvarriato

AbstractUntil the nineteenth -century tortilla production was carried out by women through rudimentary methods. New technology for corn milling spread during the 1910s, coinciding with the Mexican Revolution. The analysis of nixtamal corn mills and tortilla shops in Mexico City in 1924 shows that the mechanisation of milling led to masculinisation and an increase in the gender wage gap. However, since tortilla-making remained unmechanised, it allowed hundreds of women to establish tortilla shops that mostly hired women. Their entrepreneurship can be considered a survival strategy of women confronting a technological change in an era of political, social and economic turmoils.


1974 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 297-318 ◽  
Author(s):  
John M. Hart

Mexican industrialization, which began during the second half of the nineteenth century, was paralleled by the appearance of an urban labor movement. Industrialization resulted in a sudden concentration of new workers from the countryside in a few urban areas—especially Mexico City. Living conditions for the new city dwellers were generally intolerable and were compounded by chronic economic and political instability. Crowning the laborer's difficulty were the almost impossible working conditions in the new factories. The working class, virtually in self-defense, began to organize. Because the urban labor movement during the last third of the nineteenth century was a prelude to similar and more famous developments during the violent years of the early twentieth century, analysis of its causes, nature, and significance is essential for understanding an important aspect of the Mexican Revolution.


1964 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jack Ray Thomas

By Latin-American standards, Chile has enjoyed a remarkably stable government. Yet, there have been significant intervals of political unrest marked by violence and internal disorder. At both the beginning and the end of the nineteenth century, Liberals and Conservatives clashed in bloody battles, opening wounds that festered for many years. In the early decades of the twentieth century, the military revolted three times in the space of eight years (1924-1932) in order to promote social reform. Marmaduke Grove Vallejo figured prominently in these events, first as a participant in the January uprising of 1925, later as an opponent of the dictatorship of Carlos Ibáñez del Campo, and finally as a leader of the military forces that overthrew the government of Juan Esteban Montero Rodríguez and established the Socialist Republic of Chile.


1960 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Rupert Emerson

1958 was the year of collapse for democratic constitutionalism in the new countries. Although some, following the example of Latin America, had already abandoned their brave new experiments, hopes were still high for the rest. The major defectors from the democratic ranks in 1958 were Pakistan, Burma, and the Sudan, in all three of which the military took over, but other countries underwent similar experiences which emphasized the nature and extent of the crisis. In Indonesia the existing regime was pushed further toward an unstable combination of disintegration and authoritarian rule by the proclamation in Sumatra of a provisional revolutionary government, claiming to supplant the government headed by President Sukarno. In Thailand, Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat, who had replaced Field Marshal Pibul Song-gram, reasserted and tightened his dictatorial control. In the Middle East the United Arab Republic was established under the firm authoritarian rule of Colonel Gamal Abdul Nasser; Iraq was taken over by General Abdul Karim Kassim; and Lebanon and Jordan were both threatened by upheavals. In Africa south of the Sahara the military had not yet come to prominence but Nkrumah and his Convention People's Party tightened their grip on Ghana; and Guinea, voting its independence from France, set up an explicit one-party system under the leadership of Sékou Touré.


Author(s):  
Dalia Antonia Muller

This chapter situates Cuba’s long nineteenth-century independence struggle in a wider international context and makes a case for the central role of Cuban migrants in the development of transnational solidarities around the Cuban cause for independence. It argues that the Gulf World was the resonance chamber of the independence struggle and it makes a case for the importance of Latin America broadly, and Mexico specifically, in the evolution of the struggle, but also underscores the importance of the “Cuban Question” to politics in Latin America and Mexico specifically. The chapter ends with a focus on the importance of the press as a space of solidarity making and features a case study of a group of student journalist in Mexico City who adopted the Cuban independence cause as their own forging important and enduring transnational solidarities with Cuban migrants, while using the Cuban cause as a way to refocus their own local and national struggles.


1979 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberto Calvo

In a book which has circulated rather widely in Latin America (Lieuwen, 1960), it was stated that, with the passage of time, Latin American military men would intervene less and less in politics. This was not an altogether mistaken belief, considering that in 1961 Paraguay was a “military island” in a sea of Latin American civilian governments. Today the situation has radically changed in many ways. On the one hand, more than half the population of Latin America lives under military regimes; on the other, military domination has a different cast: it is no longer a caudillo who takes over, but the armed forces, which have institutionalized their access to the government. Linked to the foregoing is the emergence of an authoritarian ideological platform—the military call it a doctrine of national security—which provides the armed forces with the necessary rationale for their political activities.


1971 ◽  
Vol 13 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 456-474
Author(s):  
John Stephen Gitlitz

On 24 June 1969 the military government of Peru, exercising its de facto power to issue legislation by decree, promulgated a law of agrarian reform. In Latin America legal norms—even radical ones—are not necessarily to be feared. Many countries have agrarian reform laws and in most of these agrarian structures have not been changing rapidly. Indeed, the previous administration in Peru had passed a mild law in 1964, but the hacienda structure of the Peruvian Andes remained virtually intact. Few feared that the new code enacted by the military would present a strong challenge to tradition.Forty-eight hours after its promulgation opinions began to change. The government announced that interventors were being sent to eight of the largest sugar estates on the northern coast. Intervention is the first step toward expropriation. The sugar estates lie at the heart of the Peruvian oligarchy: they were exempt from the 1964 legislation.


1995 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 525-553 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrés Reséndez Fuentes

Revolution and women did not mix well, at least in the eyes of most leaders of the insurrection that swept Mexico in 1910-17. Moreover, common wisdom suggested that armies were no place for the “gentler sex” and hence the two kinds of women that did accompany men to the battleground–female soldiers and soldaderas–were generally regarded as marginal to the fighting and extraordinary, or strange, in character.Female soldiers received much notice in the press and arts during the revolution and in its aftermath. They were portrayed as fearless women dressed in men's garb flaunting cartridge belts across the chest and a Mauser rifle on one shoulder. But they were invariably shown in the guise of curiosities, aberrations brought about by the revolution. Soldaderas received their share of attention too. They were depicted as loyal, self-sacrificing companions to the soldiers or, in less sympathetic renderings, as enslaved camp followers: “the loyalty of the soldier's wife is more akin to that of a dog to its master than to that of an intelligent woman to her mate.” But even laudatory journalistic accounts,corridos, and novels did not concede soldaderas a prominent role in the revolutionary process, much less in the success of the military campaigns.


2021 ◽  
pp. 27-36
Author(s):  
Daniel-Joseph MacArthur-Seal

This sub-chapter provides a chronological overview of the nineteenth century development of Istanbul, Alexandria, and Thessaloniki. It summarizes how migration and demographic growth, infrastructural development, the establishment of municipal government, and development of urban planning contributed to the modern cities that British servicemen would encounter during the years under study, despite their insistence on characterising the region as ‘backward’. It then examines the expansion of British power in the eastern Mediterranean over the same period, highlighting how a series of political and economic developments had established a British presence in the region which would form a launchpad for the military campaigns beginning in 1914.


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