Civil-Military Relations during Détente: The People and Defence Network in the 1960s and 1970s

2016 ◽  
pp. 225-238
Keyword(s):  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
The People ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Military Relations

scholarly journals Praetorian Army in Action: A Critical Assessment of Civil–Military Relations in Turkey

2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 201-222
Author(s):  
Berk Esen
Keyword(s):  
Historical Analysis ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Officer Corps ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Military Relations

With four successful and three failed coups in less than 60 years, the Turkish military is one of the most interventionist armed forces in the global south. Despite this record, few scholars have analyzed systematically how the military’s political role changed over time. To address this gap, this article examines the evolution of civil–military relations (CMR) in Turkey throughout the 1960s and 1970s. Based on a historical analysis, this article offers a revisionist account for the extant Turkish scholarship and also contributes to the broader literature on CMR. It argues that the military’s guardian status was not clearly defined and that the officer corps differed strongly on major political issues throughout the Cold War. This article also demonstrates that the officer corps was divided into opposite ideological factions and political agendas and enjoyed varying levels of political influence due to frequent purges and conjectural changes.

The folk’ish heritage in Nordic democracy: Examples from Denmark and Norway

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 432-447 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeppe Nevers ◽  
Jesper Lundsby Skov
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Reference Point ◽  
The People ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Late Twentieth ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Late Twentieth Century

Drawing on examples from Danish and Norwegian history, this article traces the ideological origins of Nordic democracy. It takes as its starting point the observation that constitutional theories of democracy were rather weak in the Nordic countries until the mid-twentieth century; instead, a certain Nordic tradition of popular constitutionalism rooted in a romantic and organic idea of the people was central to the ideological foundations of Nordic democracy. This tradition developed alongside agrarian mobilization in the nineteenth century, and it remained a powerful ideological reference-point through most of the twentieth century, exercising, for instance, an influence on debates about European integration in the 1960s and 1970s. However, this tradition was gradually overlaid by more institutional understandings of democracy from the mid-twentieth century onwards, with the consequence that the direct importance of this folk’ish heritage declined towards the late twentieth century. Nevertheless, clear echoes of this heritage remain evident in some contemporary Nordic varieties of populism, as well as in references to the concept of folkestyre as the pan-Scandinavian synonym for democracy.

Tanzania: Civil–Military Relations and Nationalism

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel G. Zirker
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Military Training ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
East African ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military

Why have there been no successful military interventions or civil wars in Tanzania’s nearly 60 years of independence? This one historical accomplishment, by itself striking in an African context, distinguishes Tanzania from most of the other post-1960 independent African countries and focuses attention on the possibilities and nature of successful civil–military relations in sub-Saharan Africa. Contrary to most civil–military relations theory, rather than isolating the military in order to achieve civilian oversight, Tanzania integrated the military, the dominant political party, and civil society in what one observer called a combination of “political militancy” and “antimilitarism,” somewhat akin, perhaps, to the Chinese model. China did provide intensive military training for the Tanzanians beginning in the 1960s, although this could in no way have been expected to ensure successful integration of the military with civil society, nor could it ensure peaceful civil–military relations. Eight potentially causal and overlapping conditions have been outlined to explain this unique absence of civil–military strife in an African country. Relevant but admittedly partial explanations are: the largely salutary and national developmental role of the founding president, Julius Nyerere; the caution and long-term fear of military intervention engendered by the 1964 East African mutinies; Tanzania’s radical foreign policy as a Frontline State; its ongoing territorial disputes with Uganda and Malawi; concerted efforts at coup-proofing through the co-opting of senior military commanders; and the country’s striking ethnic heterogeneity, in which none of the 125 plus ethnolinguistic tribes had the capacity to assume a hegemonic dominance. Each factor has a role in explaining Tanzania’s unique civil–military history, and together they may comprise a plausible explanation of the over 50 years of peaceful civil–military relations. They do not, however, provide a hopeful prognosis for future civil–military relations in a system that is increasingly challenging the dominant-party state, nor do they account for Tanzania’s subsequent democratic deficit.

scholarly journals Authoritarian regimes and civil–military relations: Explaining counterbalancing in autocracies

2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (5) ◽  
pp. 559-579 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abel Escribà-Folch ◽  
Tobias Böhmelt ◽  
Ulrich Pilster
Keyword(s):  
Authoritarian Regime ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
Weak Institutions ◽  
Regime Types ◽  
Quantitative Analyses ◽  
Autocratic Regimes ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Military Relations

How do autocracies structure their civil–military relations? We contend that personalist dictators are more strongly associated with counterbalancing than other authoritarian regime types. Personalists are characterized by weak institutions and narrow support bases, a lack of unifying ideologies and informal links to the ruler. They thus have strong incentives to coup-proof and, as we contend, counterbalancing seems particularly attractive. Quantitative analyses of autocratic regimes’ counterbalancing efforts since the 1960s provide support for this expectation. By showing that institutional coup-proofing significantly varies across autocratic forms of government, we contribute to the literature on comparative authoritarianism and civil–military relations.

Saving Samuel Huntington and the Need for Pragmatic Civil–Military Relations

2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 395-414 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald S. Travis
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Civilian Control ◽  
Military Establishment ◽  
American Government ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
The People ◽  
Civilian Leaders ◽  
National Power ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The U.S

How the U.S. military establishment interacts with other parts of the American government and the people impacts American national power. Because civil–military relationships are influenced by the context of the environment and the “kind of war” being waged, there are a variety of ways that military and civilian leaders can work together to improve the nation’s security. This article proposes an alternative civil–military relations model called pragmatic civilian control. It integrates Samuel Huntington’s objective civilian control theory with traditional American political philosophy and concepts established by Morris Janowitz, while accounting for current geopolitical conditions.

The Armed Forces and Parliamentary Elections in the United Kingdom, 1885–1914*

2019 ◽  
Vol 134 (569) ◽  
pp. 881-913
Author(s):  
Peter M Keeling
Keyword(s):  
Electoral System ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
British Society ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
The People ◽  
Fresh Perspective ◽  
History Of ◽  
Military Relations

Abstract This article discusses the electoral position of the British Army and Royal Navy during the period between the Third Reform Act and the outbreak of war in 1914, offering a ‘bottom up’ perspective on the history of civil–military relations. Drawing heavily from contemporary newspapers and electoral registers, it shows that in a number of constituencies soldiers and sailors held significant voting influence. Because soldiers were assumed to be natural Conservatives, the struggle between Tory and Liberal election agents over their registration sheds light on the nature of local party politics during this time, as well as the practical operation of what was a complex and unsympathetic electoral system. More broadly, it offers a case-study in ‘positive Unionism’, which challenges the view of the Conservative Party as an unbending opponent of franchise reform and, similarly, sheds light on the less democratic side of the Liberal Party. In terms of the armed forces themselves, the article argues that while the Army harboured a strong Unionist identity, the Navy was much less partisan in its voting habits; Irish soldiers proved themselves Liberal in sympathies. Overall, the article provides a fresh perspective on the position of the Army and Navy in British society during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and, in its conclusion, adds context to the 1918 Representation of the People Act.

Intelligent Information Systems

2011 ◽  
pp. 2118-2125
Author(s):  
John Fulcher
Keyword(s):  
Decision Support ◽  
Information Systems ◽  
Management System ◽  
Knowledge Bases ◽  
Model Management ◽  
The People ◽  
Perform Sensitivity Analysis ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
Intelligent Information ◽  
The 1960S

Information Systems (IS), not surprisingly, process information (data + meaning) on behalf of and for the benefit of human users. Information Systems comprise the basic building blocks shown in Figure 1, and as such can be likened to the familiar Von Neumann computer architecture model that has dominated computing since the mid 20th Century. In practice, IS encompass not just computer system hardware (including networking) and software (including DataBases), but also the people within an organization (Stair & Reynolds, 1999). Information Systems are ubiquitous in today’s world–the so-called “Digital Age”–and are tailor-made to suit the needs of many different industries. The following are some representative application domains: • Management Information Systems (MIS) • Business IS • Transaction processing systems (& by extension, eCommerce) • Marketing/Sales/Inventory IS (especially via the Internet) • Postal/courier/transport/fleet/logistics IS • Geographical Information System (GIS)/Global Positioning Satellite (GPS) systems • Health/Medical/Nursing IS The roles performed by IS have changed over the past few decades. More specifically, whereas IS focussed on data processing during the 1950s and 1960s, management reporting in the 1960s and 1970s, decision support during the 1970s and 1980s, strategies and end user support during the 1980s and 1990s, these days (the early years of the 21st Century) they focus more on global Internetworking (O’Brien, 1997). Accordingly, we nowadays find extensive use of IS in e-business, decision support, and business integration (Malaga, 2005). Let us take a closer look at one of these–Decision Support Systems. A DSS consists of (i) a (Graphical) User Interface, (ii) a Model Management System, and (iii) a Data Management System (comprising not only Data/Knowledge Bases but also Data Warehouses, as well as perhaps incorporating some Data Mining functionality). The DSS GUI typically displays output by way of text, graphs, charts and the like, enabling users to visualize recommendations/advice produced by the DSS. The Model Management System enables users to conduct simulations, perform sensitivity analysis, explore “what-if” scenarios (in a more extensive manner than what we are familiar with in spreadsheets), and so forth.

Civil-Military Relations Post-9/11

2019 ◽  
pp. 61-82
Author(s):  
Donald S. Travis
Keyword(s):  
Vietnam War ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
Military Establishment ◽  
Special Operations ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
The People ◽  
The World ◽  
Special Operations Forces ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military

Post-9/11 civil-military challenges associated with sustained military operations against assorted enemies in Afghanistan, Yemen, Somalia, and other regions around the world are examined through the Clausewitzian concept known as the "paradoxical trinity" of the people, the military establishment, and the civilian government. As America's wars are conducted by a consortium of land forces that General Peter Schoomaker once characterized as a "new strategic triad" composed of the Army and Marines with Special Operations Forces (SOF), the Clausewitzian framework is employed to help reassess three interrelated lessons drawn from the Vietnam War: the legality of war, the use of advanced weapons and their associated strategies, and the persistent debates over how best to employ military power focused on conventional versus unconventional forces' roles, missions, and tactics. Potential futures of landpower and civil-military relations are identified and discussed to challenge current political and military policies and stimulate further inquiry.

Crisis in the Civil-Military Triangle?

2020 ◽  
pp. 191-206
Author(s):  
William E. Rapp
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
Us Military ◽  
The People ◽  
The Us ◽  
High Regard ◽  
The Government ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military

Despite the high regard for the US military by the American public, a number of tensions continue to grow in civil-military relations in the United States. These are exacerbated by a lack of clarity, and thus productive debate, in the various relationships inherent in civil and military interaction. By trisecting civil military relations into the relations between the people and the military, the military and the government, and the people and the government on military issues, this chapter examines the potential for crisis in coming years. Doing so allows for greater theoretical and popular understanding and thus action in addressing the tensions, for there is cause for concern and action in each of the legs of this interconnected triangle.

Cinema and Nation Formation in Tanzania

Utafiti ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 84-105
Author(s):  
Mona N. Mwakalinga
Keyword(s):  
National Culture ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
National Cinema ◽  
Nation Formation ◽  
The People ◽  
Initial Stage ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Masses

Through a national cinema theoretical framework, this article interrogates how cinema aided the Tanzanian government in the invention of a national culture identity during the country’s nation-building phase of the 1960s and 1970s. It is argued that in its initial stage of nation formation after Independence, the government used cinema as an apparatus to construct a national identity that confirmed and adhered to the ruling class’s interests and idea of a nation. Thus by controlling how cinema was produced, distributed, and exhibited to the masses through the 1960s and 1970s, the government did not bring about unification of the people; rather it helped in solidifying the primacy of the government. The cinema produced by the government was a cheer leading cinema which provided no space for analysis of issues; further, it was a cinema that denied freedom of expression to its filmmakers and to its audiences.

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