Sytuacja polityczna Turków w Republice Macedonii i relacje turecko-macedońskie

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 249-266
Author(s):  
Diana Mazepa

The political situation of Turks in the Republic of Macedonia and Turkish-Macedonian relations The Republic of North Macedonia is a small country on the Balkan Peninsula, which is characterized by the accumulation of many national and ethnic and religious groups in a small area (25 713 km2) – among them are Macedonians, Albanians, Turks, Roma, Vlachs, Serbs or Bosnians, as well as other smaller nationalities and ethnic groups. This article aims to present the origins of the Turks in Northern Macedonia, and at the same time to indicate the reasons for emigration from these areas and to present political parties and organizations representing the interests of Turks and their most important activities for the benefit of this minority. The article also analyze Turkish-Macedonian relations ranging from the proclamation of Macedonian independence to the accession of the Republic of Northern Macedonia to the structures of the NATO in 2020.

2018 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 101-126
Author(s):  
Josip Jagodar

Vukovar is the city in the East Croatia on the border with the Republic of Serbia. In the paper I attempt to show the development of the city, the composition of its population and the relationships between ethnic groups from establishing of Vukovar until the beginning of the Homeland war in 1991. The paper presents the history of the Croat majority and the minorities which were, and which are, present in the city: the Germans, Hungarians, Serbs, Rusyns, Ukrainians, Yews and the Slovaks. From the beginning Vukovar was a multicultural, multiethnic and multiconfessional city thanks to migrations which were present since its establishing, in which the Croats were the majority. After the WWI a large number of Serbs immigrated into this area. The political situation gave them benefits which earlier belonged to Germans and Hungarians. They gained power to rule the city. It became the source of constant tensions between the Serbian and Croatian population in the period of Yugoslavia (1918-1941) and during the WWII (1941-1944). Although the communist Yugoslav authorities were trying to pacify interethnic differences, the escalation of nationalisms brought about the siege and the capture of Vukovar in 1991 by the Serbian troops.


SEEU Review ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 108-120
Author(s):  
David Berat

Abstract The article is about defining ethnic parties and their classification. We define and discuss the terms politics, political party, ethnis group and ethnical party. We state differences about the traditional model of politics and the modern one. We analyze the importance of the political parties in representing the political rights of the people and what is needed so a political party can be established in the Republic of Macedonia. Also we show how to determine which party is an ethnical party and show a number of ethnic parties in Republic of Macedonia using the name of the party as an indicator. In this part we discuss the indicators and we state that good indicator is the program of the election campaign of the party. But still this is not 100% sure indicator if the party is ethnical. We concluded this because there are a lot of examples when the ruling party before the start of the election campaign does a research about the ethnical groups and after the research makes projects meant for the ethnic groups so the party can get the votes from the chosen ethnicity. At the end we concluded that the programs and the statues of the political parties are the best indicators and answer if a political party is a non-ethnical, multi-ethnical or ethnical political party.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 333-350
Author(s):  
Artur Adamczyk ◽  
Mladen Karadzoski

The main purpose of the article is to present how the Greek- -Macedonian naming dispute influenced the problem of implementation the international identity of Macedonia. Despite the initial problems of the government in Skopje related to determining their international identity, Macedonians managed to define the principles regarding the identification of a new state on the international stage. As a small country with limited attributes to shape its international position, Macedonia has basically been determined to seek guarantees for its existence and security in stable and predictable European international structures such as NATO and the European Union. The main obstacle for Macedonians on the road to Euro-Atlantic structures was the veto of Greece, a member of these organizations, resulting from Athens’ refusal to accept the name the Republic of Macedonia. The Prespa Agreement of 2018 gave a new impetus to the realization of the international identity of North Macedonia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (5) ◽  
pp. 63-67
Author(s):  
T. Beydina ◽  
◽  
N. Zimina ◽  
A. Novikova ◽  
◽  
...  

Political parties today are important elements of the regional political process. Parties, along with other political institutions, participate in the implementation of state policy within the region. The practice of recent years shows a negative trend in the creation of political parties, but those parties that are already registered and are actively fighting for political power at all stages of the Russian elections. Political parties participate in the regional political process to embrace the advantages of the political party space. These advantages are due to both objective factors (territorial potential, the economy of the region) and subjective reasons (personal factors associated with the rating of the leader, both the governor and the party coordinator, the nature of his acquaintance with the central financial department, and more). The study of the organization of power in the regions allows us to talk about its various modifications due to these factors. Political parties are a political institution, they represent an ideological, conceptual, personnel and electoral resource of any government. Regional branches of political parties in today’s political situation fully personify the needs of the regions and represent them at elections. They reflect regional interests, as well as the degree of democracy of the regional government


Rusin ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 149-165
Author(s):  
T.V. Pikovska ◽  

The article focuses on the national issue in the programs of Rusin political parties during the Transcarpathian stay in the First Czechoslovak Republic (1918–1938). The author claims that the main requirement of most of political parties was the autonomy of Subcarpathian Rus. The refusal of the Czechoslovak authorities to comply with this demand led to an aggravation of the political situation in the region. The two most powerful ideological trends were Ukrainophilism and Russophilia. The multiethnicity of the Transcarpathian population contributed to the development of parties of other national minorities – Hungarian, Polish, Roma, and Jewish. The statewide parties were also popular in the region – the Communist and Czechoslovak Social Democratic. These two parties were among those few in the interwar Czechoslovakia that were built on the ideological rather than national basis. The highest number of parties during the period when Transcarpathia was part of Czechoslovakia was 30. Most of them emerged after 1918, while the process of formation of the overwhelming majority of Czech and Slovak parties took place in the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries. Thus, these were new political parties at the initial stage of their development and without a clear organizational structure.


Author(s):  
Angela Alonso

The Second Reign (1840–1889), the monarchic times under the rule of D. Pedro II, had two political parties. The Conservative Party was the cornerstone of the regime, defending political and social institutions, including slavery. The Liberal Party, the weaker player, adopted a reformist agenda, placing slavery in debate in 1864. Although the Liberal Party had the majority in the House, the Conservative Party achieved the government, in 1868, and dropped the slavery discussion apart from the parliamentary agenda. The Liberals protested in the public space against the coup d’état, and one of its factions joined political outsiders, which gave birth to a Republic Party in 1870. In 1871, the Conservative Party also split, when its moderate faction passed a Free Womb bill. In the 1880s, the Liberal and Conservative Parties attacked each other and fought their inner battles, mostly around the abolition of slavery. Meanwhile, the Republican Party grew, gathering the new generation of modernizing social groups without voices in the political institutions. This politically marginalized young men joined the public debate in the 1870s organizing a reformist movement. They fought the core of Empire tradition (a set of legitimizing ideas and political institutions) by appropriating two main foreign intellectual schemes. One was the French “scientific politics,” which helped them to built a diagnosis of Brazil as a “backward country in the March of Civilization,” a sentence repeated in many books and articles. The other was the Portuguese thesis of colonial decadence that helped the reformist movement to announce a coming crisis of the Brazilian colonial legacy—slavery, monarchy, latifundia. Reformism contested the status quo institutions, values, and practices, while conceiving a civilized future for the nation as based on secularization, free labor, and inclusive political institutions. However, it avoided theories of revolution. It was a modernizing, albeit not a democrat, movement. Reformism was an umbrella movement, under which two other movements, the Abolitionist and the Republican ones, lived mostly together. The unity split just after the shared issue of the abolition of slavery became law in 1888, following two decades of public mobilization. Then, most of the reformists joined the Republican Party. In 1888 and 1889, street mobilization was intense and the political system failed to respond. Monarchy neither solved the political representation claims, nor attended to the claims for modernization. Unsatisfied with abolition format, most of the abolitionists (the law excluded rights for former slaves) and pro-slavery politicians (there was no compensation) joined the Republican Party. Even politicians loyal to the monarchy divided around the dynastic succession. Hence, the civil–military coup that put an end to the Empire on November 15, 1889, did not come as a surprise. The Republican Party and most of the reformist movement members joined the army, and many of the Empire politician leaders endorsed the Republic without resistance. A new political–intellectual alignment then emerged. While the republicans preserved the frame “Empire = decadence/Republic = progress,” monarchists inverted it, presenting the Empire as an era of civilization and the Republic as the rule of barbarians. Monarchists lost the political battle; nevertheless, they won the symbolic war, their narrative dominated the historiography for decades, and it is still the most common view shared among Brazilians.


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