scholarly journals Po co nam Chiny? Część 1: Incydentalność relacji polsko-chińskich przed 1949 r.

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 13-31
Author(s):  
Gościwit Malinowski

What do we need China for? Part 1: The incidentality of Sino-Polish relations before 1949 This paper is the first part of a bigger whole titled “What do we need China for.” It is focused on the incidentality of historical Sino-Polish relations before 1949. Although the state of Poland has existed since time of Song dynasty in China, earlier mutual Polish-Chinese relations were incidental and limited to very loosely connected or completely unrelated historical events, e.g. legacies to Great Khan, missionary activities, military and civil service to foreign powers, occasional contacts between revolutionary politicians, the refuge for Poles in Harbin. The second part titled “The superpower of East Asia and new perspectives of Polish raison d’État” will be published soon.

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (5) ◽  
pp. 98-118
Author(s):  
ALYM K. ANNAMURADOV ◽  
◽  
OVEZDURDY B. MUKHAMMETBERDIEV ◽  
MURAD O. HAITOV ◽  
◽  
...  

The article examines the formation of the statehood of modern Turkmenistan through the prism of historical changes that have occurred in the post-Soviet countries. It is noted that after 1991 all former republics of the USSR built new independent states on a fundamentally different basis – interaction between government and society. The authors emphasize that the establishment of trust between the state as an institution and citizens is possible under certain conditions, among which a special place is occupied by a clear organization of civil service and the professionalism of civil servants. The measures that have already been implemented and are being taken by the leadership of Turkmenistan at the present time to solve these problems are considered. It is noted that Turkmenistan acts within the framework and in accordance with the key world-class standards regarding the requirements for the organization of civil service. The measures taken in the country to combat corruption are analyzed.


Author(s):  
Alex J. Bellamy

This is the first of two chapters to examine states that have bucked the regional trend. North Korea stands out as the only state in East Asia that continues to employ mass atrocities as a matter of state policy. This chapter explains why the forces that promoted peace in other parts of the region (state consolidation and responsibility, the developmental trading state, habits of multilateralism, and power politics) failed to achieve the same effects in these two countries. It then looks at the contemporary situation to ascertain the prospects for reform and the likelihood of future reductions in the incidence of mass atrocities. It finds that the state relies on mass coercion to maintain itself in power and that there is little prospect of imminent reform, whilst state collapse remains a viable possibility that could precipitate mass atrocities on a massive scale.


Author(s):  
Alex J. Bellamy

This chapter demonstrates that the downwards pressure that state consolidation placed on mass violence was amplified by the type of state that emerged. Across East Asia, governments came to define themselves as “developmental” or “trading” states whose principal purpose was to grow the national economy and thereby improve the economic wellbeing of their citizens. Governments with different ideologies came to embrace economic growth and growing the prosperity of their populations as the principal function of the state and its core source of legitimacy. Despite some significant glitches along the way the adoption of the developmental trading state model has proven successful. Not only have East Asian governments succeeded in lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty, the practices and policy orientations dictated by this model helped shift governments and societies away from belligerent practices towards postures that prioritized peace and stability. This reinforced the trend towards greater peacefulness.


2021 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-18
Author(s):  
Tanja R. Müller ◽  
Milena Belloni

This special focus section analyses state–diaspora relationships with a focus on the case of Eritrea, a paradigmatic example, as we show in this introduction, to elaborate on the following key questions: What determines loyalty between diaspora and the state? How can we understand the dynamics of co-optation, loyalty, and resistance that characterise many diaspora–state relationships? What is the role of historical events and memory in building alliances as well as divides among different generations and different groups in the diaspora? How do diaspora citizens interpret and enact their citizenship in everyday practices of engagement? By engaging with both citizenship and diaspora studies, this introduction shows the significance of analysing these questions through the lens of “transnational lived citizenship.” This concept enables a look at the intersections between formal aspects of citizenship as well as the emotional and practical aspects related to feelings of belonging, transnational attitudes, and circulation of material cultures.


1981 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 309-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Micheline Plasse

This article first presents a brief survey of the role and functions filled by the personal aide (chef de cabinet) of a minister in Quebec. The analysis continues, in a comparative perspective, by tracing a sociological and professional portrait of the Liberal“chefs de cabinet” in April 1976 and their successors in the pequiste government in July 1977.We then test the hypothesis that the cleavage between the government and the dominant economic forces has increased since November 15, 1976 as a result of the ideology articulated by the“chefs de cabinet” regarding the social and economic aims of the state. This hypothesis was confirmed.The hypothesis that the pequiste“chefs de cabinet” exercise a more pronounced influence on the decision-making process is also confirmed. Nevertheless, one cannot argue that the pequiste“chefs de cabinet” usurped the power of the legislators; their influence is more political than technocratic. The growing influence of the pequiste“chefs de cabinet” neverthelsss helps to accentuate the tensions and conflicts between the higher civil service and the ministerial aides.


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