scholarly journals Lokalizacja infirmerii w topografii krzyżackich zamków komturskich w Prusach w późnym średniowieczu

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 64-83
Author(s):  
Sławomir Jóźwiak ◽  
Janusz Trupinda

The location of infirmaries in Teutonic Order castles topography in late Medieval Prussia In the primary Rule of the Teutonic Order, written in the middle of the 13th century, maintaining hospitals by the organisation is in its content, yet the generality of the normative provisions contained in that source bears a number of questions which are difficult to answer in a satisfactory way. From the main paragraphs referring to that issue it is impossible to conclude whether those hospitals/infirmaries were intended for secular persons or the brother friars of the Order. Detailed regulations on the subject were additionally provided in Statutes written around the same time. In accordance with those provisions, if a friar knight fell ill, then he should stay in bed for a few days. In case of prolongation of this state, he was to be moved to a common chamber for the sick – the infirmary. Only the Grand Master and his deputy had the right to be treated in their own chambers. However, it must be remembered that those regulations were formulated mostly in reference to the main convent of the Teutonic Order in the Holy Land. This institution was subordinate to the Great Commander and it was him who provided for medical care and medicines for the sick through his appointed subordinate official (“firmariemeister”). From the 13th century normative sources it cannot be concluded where the infirmaries were supposed to be located in the castle grounds. What does this issue look like in reference to the state of the Teutonic Order in Prussia in the 14th and 15th centuries? Unfortunately, in the current literature of the subject it has been attempted to identify the locations of castle infirmaries exclusively on the basis of architectural data of preserved commander castles (still enerally sparse). Meanwhile, the problem is that limiting only to that sort of sources when examining the issue does not provide any evidential basis to indicate the location of infirmaries in the spatial configuration of the Teutonic strongholds. Only the analysis of written sources of the époque (starting with the end of the 14th century) allows to state that nearly all infirmaries of commander castles of the time in Prussia intended both for the members of the Teutonic Order (brothers, priests) and secular servants‑dieners were locate within the bailey. Sparse exceptions from that rule would only apply to the capital castle in Malbork, where one of the infirmaries might have been located in the area of the proper convent of the high castle and to the one in Konigsberg, where the infirmary for servant‑dieners of the Order was located outside the defensive walls of the bailey.

1929 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jocelyn Toynbee

The paintings in the triclinium of the Villa Item, a dwelling-house excavated in 1909 outside the Porta Ercolanese at Pompeii, have not only often been published and discussed by foreign scholars, but they have also formed the subject of an important paper in this Journal. The artistic qualities of the paintings have been ably set forth: it has been established beyond all doubt that the subject they depict is some form of Dionysiac initiation: and, of the detailed interpretations of the first seven of the individual scenes, those originally put forward by de Petra and accepted, modified or developed by Mrs. Tillyard appear, so far as they go, to be unquestionably on the right lines. A fresh study of the Villa Item frescoes would seem, however, to be justified by the fact that the majority of previous writers have confined their attention almost entirely to the first seven scenes—the three to the east of the entrance on the north wall (fig. 3), the three on the east wall and the one to the east of the window on the south wall, to which the last figure on the east wall, the winged figure with the whip, undoubtedly belongs.


Numen ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 56 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 366-384 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tarald Rasmussen

In Late Medieval Christianity, the concept of hell was closely connected to the sacrament of penance. Hell could be avoided through the right use of penance. And the cleansing sufferings in purgatory could to a certain extent replace the eternal sufferings in hell. The Protestant Reformation rejected purgatory, and returned to a traditional dualistic view of the relationship between heaven and hell. At the same time, hell seems to lose some of its religious importance in early Protestant spirituality. This change is illustrated through a comparison of two central texts belonging more or less to the same genre: on the one hand the famous Late Medieval illustrated Ars moriendi and on the other Luther's Sermon von der Bereitung zum Sterben from 1519.


Author(s):  
Christopher Grout*

Abstract The extent to which members of the clergy are considered ‘employees’ for the purposes of secular employment and equality legislation has been the subject of much discussion, but essentially remains a fact sensitive question. The Equality Act 2010 (‘the 2010 Act’) seeks to prevent discrimination on the basis of nine ‘protected characteristics’. While recognizing that the application of the 2010 Act to the variety of clergy offices is ‘not straightforward’, the Church of England (‘the Church’) has opined that an equitable approach to clergy appointments is to proceed as if they were subject to the provisions of the 2010 Act. What follows is in`tended to be a thorough review of the eligibility criteria for clergy appointment in the Church to assess their compatibility with the requirements of the 2010 Act. In addition, particular consideration will be given to Schedule 9(2) to the 2010 Act which makes specific provision relating to religious requirements concerning the protected characteristics of sex, sexual orientation, and marriage and civil partnership. In short, where the employment is for the purposes of an organized religion, such as the Church, requirements which relate to these protected characteristics will not constitute discrimination where they engage the ‘compliance or non-conflict principle’. What these principles mean and how they might operate in practice is discussed below, taking into account the likely canonical and theological justifications for discriminating against certain individuals. Whether the law strikes the right balance between, on the one hand protecting clergy and, on the other, providing the Church with the autonomy to act in accordance with its established doctrine, will be explored in the final analysis.


1946 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-170
Author(s):  
Kopel Kagan

No satisfactory definition of Dominium in Roman Law has yet been achieved. Amongst English writers Austin many years ago found great difficulty in this question while in modern times Professor Buckland has written ‘it is thus difficult to define Dominium precisely.’ Again, Poste, dealing with Gaius' discussion of dominium, says that his opening statements are ‘deplorably confused.’ These examples are enough to indicate the condition, of uncertainty which prevails. In my submission this uncertainty exists mainly because the conception of ususfructus has never yet been explained adequately. Of Possessio it has been said ‘the definition of Possessio to give the results outlined is a matter of great difficulty. No perfectly correct solution may be possible,’ and this statement is generally accepted as a correct assessment of the present position in juristic literature. But here, too, in my opinion, the reason is again connected with usufruct, for the possessio of the usufructuary has not yet been adequately determined. Gaius (2.93) tells us ‘usufructuarius vero usucapere non potest; primuum quod non possidet, sed habet ius utendi et fruendi.’ Ulpian holds that he had possessio in fact (‘Naturaliter videtur possidere is qui usum fructum habet’ D.41.2.12). On this subject Roby says ‘the fructuary was not strictly a possessor and therefore if he was deprived from enjoying he had not a claim to the original interdict de vi but in virtue of his quasi-possessio a special interdict was granted him.’ Austin saw difficulty in the whole problem of possessio. He wrote ‘by Savigny in his treatise on possessio it is remarked that the possessio of a right of usufruct … resembles the possessio of a thing, by the proprietor, or by an adverse possessor exercising rights of property over the thing. And that a disturbance of the one possession resembles the disturbance of the other. Now this must happen for the reason I have already stated:—namely, that the right of usufruct or user, like that of property, is indefinite in point of user. For what is possession (meaning legal possession not mere physical handling of the subject) but the exercise of a right ?’


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-70
Author(s):  
Alexander A. Sanzhenakov ◽  

The article is devoted to showing the connection between the moral progress and the cos­mopolitanism of the Stoic. Since the early Stoics considered the right reason (ὀρθὸς λόγος) as one of the basic conditions for the unification of gods and humankind into a single com­munity (κοσμόπολις), anyone who intends to join to this community must develop his or her reason to the highest level. It means that the cosmopolitan must be morally perfect, which implies that he or she has successfully completed the process of moral progress. However, the concept of moral progress in Stoicism (especially in the early one) is prob­lematic because the Stoics denied a qualitative difference between vicious people and be­lieved that all bad deeds are equal. The author of the article tries to remove this contradic­tion by introducing a two-level structure of moral progress, in which the gradation of moral development and qualitative changes in the moral character of the subject are spaced. The cosmopolitanism of the Stoics and their ideas about moral progress are united not only by the concept of «right reason», but also by their doctrine of «oikeiôsis», which implies the development of natural inclinations to the highest principles of morality. Finally, the inter­dependence of moral progress and the cosmopolitanism is demonstrated by their evolution with the development of the Stoic school. This evolution is expressed in the fact that, on the one hand, the Stoics perfected the tools for moral development, which paved a clearer path to the cosmopolis, and on the other hand, they reduced the requirements for the citi­zens of the cosmopolis, which also led to the growth of the community of gods and people.


2015 ◽  
pp. 137-153
Author(s):  
Filip Dziedzic

The subject of the article is the justification of the thesis that the differentiation of the legal situation of parents on the basis of the Act on the Large Family Card, who have established a family with at least three children violates the constitutional principle of equality before the law. On the one hand some parents are entitled to use the card without any time limit, and on the other hand there is a group of parents who also have large families, but are totally deprived of the right. According to the author of the article, the diversity does not represent any constitutionally protected value and the discrimination occurs due to the unlimited duration of the right to own the Card by eligible parents. The result of the above, as well as the fourth (another) child’s right to the Card depending on holding the Card by the parent, is discriminatory for the children born as the fourth (next) child in the family. The article is also an attempt to answer the question which way would be the best to remove the above-mentioned discrimination thus making it most coherent with the objective and content of the analyzed regulation.


1986 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 266-284 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Power

While the move towards criterion-referenced assessment in Australia represents a step in the right direction, the path is fraught with political and technical hazards. Advocates of criterion-referenced assessment tend to overdraw the distinction between norm and criterion-referenced assessment, and to play down the difficulties inherent in spelling out criteria and setting standards at the Year 12 level. Nevertheless it is a good idea to try to clarify the domains of each subject (integrated structures of knowledge and ability which underly areas of expertise) and to experiment with new tools and technologies being developed by measurement specialists. We must also recognize that we cannot hope to improve the art of assessing the quality of students' work by an infinite expansion along a scientific-technological path in all areas of the curriculum. In many areas, we will always be dependent on the expertise and judgment of connoisseurs, and judgments will always represent an uncertain blend of criteria derived from the subject and the assessors on the one hand, and norms ebbing from those being assessed on the other.


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 573-598 ◽  
Author(s):  
Deborah De Felice

The complex relationship between children online and digital technologies is the starting point of this reflection of a growing process of multidisciplinary theoretical attention to building children’s biographies. On the one hand, the concepts of “risk and childhood safety” have become increasingly central in institutional discourses. The content of this attention seems, however, to assume more the form of adults’ fears, dealing with an endless struggle for a utopian safety for their children, than the reality of what really can be a “risk” for children online. On the other hand, the current changes in the representations of childhood are increasingly oriented to a vision of the child as the subject of its own history and therefore more active and participatory. This makes it difficult to manage the distinction between adults and children and is problematic for the use of traditional parenting styles. Starting from a reflection on the main theoretical perspectives that have been compared on the issues of social change, this paper aims to clarify and problematise some of the paradoxes that accompany what has been said relating to children’s safety in the so-called second modernity, compared to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child and the powerful entry of technology digital science in familial contexts.


1841 ◽  
Vol 131 ◽  
pp. 59-68 ◽  

Mr. F. J., the subject of the present memoir, is the son of a physician; of scrofulous diathesis, but otherwise of robust constitution; of irritable temperament, but of contented and happy disposition; and endowed with an excellent understanding, quick power of conception, and retentive memory. In both the eyes of his father, cataract (with the addition, I suspect, of glaucoma) has manifested itself within the last four years, after a severe attack of influenza. The relatives on the paternal side are predisposed to diseases of the eye, but in the mother, and in the relatives on her side, no such predisposition can be traced. With regard to the cause of the ophthalmic affections which form the subject of this paper, the mother seemed to lay much stress on the following circumstance, which, although it may possibly have had some share in the cause of one of them, can have had no influence, in my opinion, in producing the other. She stated to me that in the eighth month of her pregnancy, which up to this period had proceeded favourably, she received from her youngest child, which she was carrying in her arms, a severe blow on the eye. This accident caused inflammation of the eye, accompanied with a curious visual illusion, viz. that all objects which she saw, but especially those situated on the ground, appeared of a deep concave form; an illusion which lasted for several months. The fright experienced from the accident also brought on convulsions, which, recurring several times, extended even to the fœtus. The recurrence of these convulsions produced in the mind of the mother a continual anxiety and fear for the health of the child, while the pain arising from the ophthalmia, together with the visual illusion just mentioned, gave her fears a direction more especially towards its eyes. Delivery took place at the proper period, when the eyes of the infant, which was otherwise healthy and well-formed, were found to present a twofold defect of organization. The father, to whose statement, on account of his professional knowledge, more weight is to be attached, informed me that both eyes were turned inwards to such an extent that a portion of the cornea was hidden by the inner canthus, and that in both pupils a yellowish-white discoloration was to be observed, which, being situated behind the iris, could not be the pupillary membrane. That the strabismus and cataract of both eyes in this case were congenital, is evident from the testimony both of the parents and of the nurse, whom I have closely questioned on this subject. The latter, who can distinctly remember all the circumstances of the case, told me that when the child was a few months old, she held a light before its eyes, of which it took no notice. I ascertained also from her that the eye-balls had not that restless motion which is generally observed in those who are born blind, but that both eyes were always turned inwards, and that but rarely either the one or the other was moved from the internal canthus. It was also stated to me, that towards the end of the second year the operation of keratonyxis was performed on the right eye, upon which a severe iritis ensued, terminating in atrophy of the eye-ball. Within the next four years two similar operations were performed on the left eye, which did not indeed destroy the organ, but at the same time did not remove the opacity in the pupil. The colour of the opacity became in time, however, of a clearer white; and the patient acquired a certain sensation of light, which he did not seem to have had before the operation. Both eyes for a long time retained a disposition to inflammation, and suffered repeatedly from conjunctivitis, whence the vessels of the conjunctiva were increased in number and size to such an extent, that it was necessary they should be several times excised.


Author(s):  
Gabriela Ripper Naigeborin

This essay proposes a close analysis of the introduction to the Kabbalist text known as Midrash ha-Ne’lam al Eichah, an interpretation of the biblical book of Lamentations which integrates the medieval text of the Sefer ha-Zohar. While the biblical version centers the destruction of the First Temple in 586 B.C.E., the medieval narrative of the Midrash ha-Ne’lam opens with an anachronistic argument between the two Jewish communities historically formed with the fall of the First Temple: the one in Babylon, the symbol of the Jewish Diaspora, and the other in Jerusalem, the heart of the Holy Land of the Jewish people. Collapsing the destruction of the First Temple with the subsequent destruction of the Second Temple in 70 C.E., the Midrash ha-Ne’lam intersperses literal and figurative meaning to craft a cosmic narrative of loss and longing, which runs parallel to the original biblical account. By focusing on the argument between the Babylonian and Jewish communities, the present article probes into a tension that structures the Jewish condition in the diaspora: the combination of material distance from, and spiritual attachment to, one’s sacred homeland, induces a state of spiritual homelessness. The Midrash ha-Ne’lam paints the “competition” for the right to mourn the loss of the Temple as a family argument between those who stayed in the destroyed homeland and those who have strayed from it many generations before, a tension that reverberates to this day on the inner division between diaspora and Israeli Jews.


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