scholarly journals Egyptian-Israeli Relations during the Government of Mohamed Morsi (2012-2013)

Author(s):  
Ayrat Halitovich Tuhvatullin ◽  
Vitaly Anatolievich Epshteyn ◽  
Pavel Vladimirovich Pichygin ◽  
Alina Petrovna Sultanova

The article highlights the details of the foreign policy of the Arab Republic of Egypt and its impact on the regional security of the state of Israel in between 2012-2013. After the Islamists came to power, they began to dominate expectations that the political force led by Mohamed Morsi would initiate an active anti-Israel policy, however, with active anti-Semitic rhetoric, the "Muslim brotherhood" was able to maintain peaceful relations with Israel. The purpose of this study was to characterize the relationship between M. Morsi's government and the state of Israel during the period 2012 to 2013while revealing the impact of various factors on the preservation of peace in the region, especially in the face of the conflict situation that intensified in neigh boring countries such as Libya and Syria. The main approaches to the study of the problem under consideration were analytical method and content analysis. It is concluded that the article can also contribute to the study of the history of the Middle East within the framework of Arab-Israeli relations against the deterioration of the political situation and the strengthening of religious radicalism in the region.

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ali Maksum

Regionalisme dan Kompleksitas Laut China SelatanOleh: Ali MaksumJurusan Ilmu Hubungan Internasional, Universitas Muhammadiyah YogyakartaEmail: [email protected] , [email protected] Abstrak Hubungan antara regionalisme dan kompleksitas Laut China Selatan (LCS) jelas penting untuk diteliti lebih lanjut. Hal ini karena dampak dari sengketa LCS jelas berpengaruh terhadap stabilitas politik dan keamanan di Asia Tenggara. Tujuan utama artikel ini adalah untuk memahami konflik, latar belakang dan dampak dari sengketa LCS di negara-negara kawasan tersebut. Artikel ini dibagi menjadi enam bagian yaitu regionalisme dan LCS, sejarah konflik LCS, profil negara pengklaim, regionalisme dan solusi perdamaian, LCS dan keamanan regional dan kesimpulan. Penelitian ini juga dilengkapi dengan beberapa visualisasi untuk mengajak pembaca dalam sebuah imajinasi mendalam tentang LCS. Penulis menyimpulkan bahwa regionalisme Asia Tenggara menghadapi tantangan serius di tengah ancaman China yang berhasil mengambil keuntungan dari lemahnya multilateral ASEAN terkait masalah tersebut.Kata kunci: keamanan, konflik, Laut China Selatan, regionalisme,Abstract The relationship between regionalism and the complexity of the South China Sea (SCS) issues is obviously critical to be examined. This is because the impact of the SCS disputes are clearly influence to the political and security stability in Southeast Asia. The primary objective of this article is to understand the conflicts, background and impact of the SCS disputes on the regional member states. This article is divided into six sections namely regionalism and the SCS, history of SCS conflicts, profile of claimant states, regionalism and peace solutions, SCS and regional security and conclusion. This study is also supplemented by some visualizations to engage the readers in deep imagination on the SCS. The author concludes that Southeast Asian regionalism was facing serious challenges vis-à-vis China which successfully took benefit from the ASEAN's weak multilateral approach on this issue.Keywords: conflict, security, South China Sea, regionalism[1]Korespondensi: Ali Maksum, Jl. Lingkar Selatan, Tamantirto, Kasihan, Bantul, Yogyakarta 55183 Indonesia. HP: 082231310704.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Ali Maksum

Abstrak Hubungan antara regionalisme dan kompleksitas Laut China Selatan (LCS) jelas penting untuk diteliti lebih lanjut. Hal ini karena dampak dari sengketa LCS jelas berpengaruh terhadap stabilitas politik dan keamanan di Asia Tenggara. Tujuan utama artikel ini adalah untuk memahami konflik, latar belakang dan dampak dari sengketa LCS di negara-negara kawasan tersebut. Artikel ini dibagi menjadi enam bagian yaitu regionalisme dan LCS, sejarah konflik LCS, profil negara pengklaim, regionalisme dan solusi perdamaian, LCS dan keamanan regional dan kesimpulan. Penelitian ini juga dilengkapi dengan beberapa visualisasi untuk mengajak pembaca dalam sebuah imajinasi mendalam tentang LCS. Penulis menyimpulkan bahwa regionalisme Asia Tenggara menghadapi tantangan serius di tengah ancaman China yang berhasil mengambil keuntungan dari lemahnya multilateral ASEAN terkait masalah tersebut.Kata kunci: keamanan, konflik, Laut China Selatan, regionalisme,Abstract The relationship between regionalism and the complexity of the South China Sea (SCS) issues is obviously critical to be examined. This is because the impact of the SCS disputes are clearly influence to the political and security stability in Southeast Asia. The primary objective of this article is to understand the conflicts, background and impact of the SCS disputes on the regional member states. This article is divided into six sections namely regionalism and the SCS, history of SCS conflicts, profile of claimant states, regionalism and peace solutions, SCS and regional security and conclusion. This study is also supplemented by some visualizations to engage the readers in deep imagination on the SCS. The author concludes that Southeast Asian regionalism was facing serious challenges vis-à-vis China which successfully took benefit from the ASEAN's weak multilateral approach on this issue.Keywords: conflict, security, South China Sea, regionalism


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Ali Maksum

Abstrak Hubungan antara regionalisme dan kompleksitas Laut China Selatan (LCS) jelas penting untuk diteliti lebih lanjut. Hal ini karena dampak dari sengketa LCS jelas berpengaruh terhadap stabilitas politik dan keamanan di Asia Tenggara. Tujuan utama artikel ini adalah untuk memahami konflik, latar belakang dan dampak dari sengketa LCS di negara-negara kawasan tersebut. Artikel ini dibagi menjadi enam bagian yaitu regionalisme dan LCS, sejarah konflik LCS, profil negara pengklaim, regionalisme dan solusi perdamaian, LCS dan keamanan regional dan kesimpulan. Penelitian ini juga dilengkapi dengan beberapa visualisasi untuk mengajak pembaca dalam sebuah imajinasi mendalam tentang LCS. Penulis menyimpulkan bahwa regionalisme Asia Tenggara menghadapi tantangan serius di tengah ancaman China yang berhasil mengambil keuntungan dari lemahnya multilateral ASEAN terkait masalah tersebut.Kata kunci: keamanan, konflik, Laut China Selatan, regionalisme,Abstract The relationship between regionalism and the complexity of the South China Sea (SCS) issues is obviously critical to be examined. This is because the impact of the SCS disputes are clearly influence to the political and security stability in Southeast Asia. The primary objective of this article is to understand the conflicts, background and impact of the SCS disputes on the regional member states. This article is divided into six sections namely regionalism and the SCS, history of SCS conflicts, profile of claimant states, regionalism and peace solutions, SCS and regional security and conclusion. This study is also supplemented by some visualizations to engage the readers in deep imagination on the SCS. The author concludes that Southeast Asian regionalism was facing serious challenges vis-à-vis China which successfully took benefit from the ASEAN's weak multilateral approach on this issue.Keywords: conflict, security, South China Sea, regionalism


2016 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 62
Author(s):  
Wildan Sena Utama

This book investigates how culture, particularly national culture, in Indonesia has been shaped by the government policies from the Dutch colonial period in 1900s to the Reformation era in 2000s. It is an attempt to show the relationship between the state and culture around the process of production, circulation, regulation and reception of cultural policy through different regimes. Although this book discusses government policy, the author has realized that the book needs to overcome contradictions and confusions of cultural discourse by incorporating people as explanatory element. Many aspect of culturality may be influenced by the state, but according to Jones, “it is a field that is not stable and easy to shift that facilitates resistance, and is able to turn against the state, market and other institutions” (p. 31). Jones employs two postcolonial cultural policy tools to review the history of cultural policy in Indonesia: authoritarian cultural policy and command culture. The first means that the state has assumption if majority of citizen do not have capability to inspirit a responsible citizenship and need a state’s direction in the choice of their culture. On the contrary, command culture shows that the cultural idea that is planned in fact always been placing the state as center in planning, creating policy and revising cultural practice.


2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 228-247
Author(s):  
Victoria Nesfield

The Holocaust maintains a status of inviolability in the Christian religious public sphere and also the mainstream media. The scale, gravity and sheer atrocity of the Holocaust still commands a response. The article argues that questions demanded by the Holocaust of the Christian church and the free world’s passivity in the face of genocide, led to a Christian support for the State of Israel driven by guilt and a sense of moral obligation which side-lined the impact of the State on the Palestinian people. With the Israel-Palestine conflict in its seventh decade, the imperative to overcome the hegemony of Holocaust memory is more urgent than ever. Seventy years after the Holocaust, its legacy in public and theological memory dominates questions of Judaism within the polity and the State of Israel. Two legal cases, which attracted media attention, illustrate how Holocaust memory is evoked in response to questions of Jewish practice in the European polity. Two further examples demonstrate how the pernicious influence of Holocaust memory and rhetoric colour responses to criticism of the State of Israel.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 287-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aleida Assmann

The first part of the article invites a fresh look at the often defined concepts of ‘space’ and ‘place’, connecting them to different subject positions, mental frames and projects. The second part addresses memory issues that underlie the political conflict between the state of Israel and Palestinians in the Near East. It will analyse two seemingly incompatible memories related to the same events and topography. The focus of the essay is not only on the divisive force with which two incompatible histories are constructed in the same landscape but also on recent memory practices and performances that raise awareness of this impasse and work towards a more complex and inclusive transnational memory of the entangled history of 1948.


2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 381-412 ◽  
Author(s):  
LEONARDO WELLER

The London House of Rothschild depended on Brazil to maintain its reputation. This became a problem in the 1890s, when the Brazilian government almost defaulted on its sovereign debt after a change of regime had made politics unstable and economic policy unorthodox. This article shows how the relationship between the bank and the state developed to the point that Rothschilds was forced to rescue its client. Exposure enabled Brazil to implement policies designed to defend the regime at the expense of payment capacity without defaulting. The debt crisis ended only after the political situation stabilized toward the close of the century, when the bank pressured the government to tighten economic policy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-247
Author(s):  
Mohammad Hefni

Success of the Ottoman empire as one of the greatest, most extensive, and longest-lasting empires in the history of the world could not be released from the efforts of the government to organize the state throught establishment various institutions. Among them are judicials instititution such as kadi courts and Hisbah institutions which was led by a muhtesib. Therefore, this paper discusses the relationship and the interaction between the kadi and the muhtesib in the Ottoman empire, and their historical roots in the periods before. The position of a kadi and a muhesib has existed in periods before the Ottoman empire. A kadi has existed since the Prophet Muhammad pbuh period. While, a muhtesib historically has began in the Greco-Roman agoranomos. In the Ottoman empire, both became important governmental functions. They had the power to pronounce decisions on everything connected with the sharî'a and the Sultanic law. They played roles in controlling urban life, its economic activities in particular. All the production and manufacturing activities in the cities that were carried out within the framework of the guild organization was under the control of the kadi and the muhtesib. For example a craft guilds and a creditor guilds.  


2006 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Giuseppe Dalla Torre

Dopo essersi rilevato il fenomeno della rinascita del fatto religioso nell’odierna società secolarizzata, grazie anche al massiccio fenomeno immigratorio, si descrive l’impatto del pluralismo etnico-religioso sulle tradizionali realtà degli ordinamenti giuridici statali; impatto reso ancora più problematico per l’ascesa di nuovi poteri, in particolare quello tecnico-scientifico, insofferenti ad una eteroregolamentazione non solo sul piano etico, ma anche sul piano giuridico. Si mette quindi in evidenza una crescente ambiguità che investe la biogiuridica: da un lato la nuova esigenza di riconoscere il rivendicato “diritto alla diversità” da parte delle diverse formazioni etnico-religiose; dall’altro l’esigenza di una regolamentazione giuridica uniforme a garanzia dell’ordinata convivenza attorno ad una scala valoriale che abbia nella “vita” il bene centrale ed ultimo da salvaguardare. Tra le conclusioni cui si giunge è innanzitutto quella per cui la pacifica convivenza in una società multietnica e multireligiosa può essere assicurata, nel rispetto delle diverse tradizioni e culture, attraverso il ricorso a moderati e saggi riconoscimenti di spazio al diritto personale all’interno degli ordinamenti statali, ma nei limiti rigorosi posti dalle esigenze di tutela della dignità umana. Ciò tocca anche la questione dei “nuovi poteri” che, nel contesto di una società globalizzata, impongono una rielaborazione dell’idea di diritto che, partendo dal quadro di un sistema di fonti che tende sempre più ad essere organizzato non secondo gerarchia ma secondo competenza, si ispiri al principio del riconoscimento dell’essere umano nella sua dignità, indipendentemente dall’appartenenza etnico-religiosa. Infine si mette in evidenza l’inaccettabilità di un “diritto debole”, solo procedimentale, perché sostanziale negazione della funzione stessa del diritto, che è quella di prevenire e/o dirimere i conflitti tra interessi in gioco e, quindi, i contrasti tra le parti della società, difendendo nel rapporto i soggetti più deboli; così come si mette in evidenza che il prezioso bene della laicità dello Stato non è – come invece spesso si ritiene – salvaguardato da un “diritto debole”, ma solo da un diritto giusto. ---------- After being noticed the phenomenon of the rebirth of the religious fact in today’s secularized society, it is described also the impact of the ethnic-religious pluralism on the traditional realities of the government juridical arrangements; impact made even more problematic for the ascent of new powers, particularly that technical-scientific, impatient to an heteroregulation not only on the ethical plan, but also on the juridical plan. It is put therefore in evidence an increasing ambiguity that invests the biojuridical: from one side the new demand to recognize the vindicated “law to difference” from different ethnic-religious formations; from the other the demand of a uniform juridical regulation to guarantee of the orderly cohabitation around to a scale of value that has in “life” central and ultimate good to safeguard. Between the conclusions which the author comes it is, first of all, that for which the peaceful cohabitation in a multiethnic and multireligious society can be assured, in the respect of the different traditions and cultures, through the recourse to moderate and wise recognition of space to the personal law into the government arrangements, but in the rigorous limits set by the demands of guardianship of human dignity. This also touches the matter of new powers that, in the contest of globalization, impose a new elaboration of the idea of law that, departing from the picture of a system of sources that extends more and more to not be organized according to hierarchy but according to competence, inspire to the principle of the recognition of the human being in its dignity, independently from the ethnic-religious affiliation. Finally it is put in evidence the unacceptability of a “weak law”, just procedural, as substantial negation of the law function itself, which is that to prevent and/or to settle the conflicts between affairs at stake and, therefore, contrasts between the parts of the society, defending in the relationship the weakest subjects; as it is evidenced that the precious good of laity of the State is not - like instead it is often considered - safeguarded by a weak law, but only by a correct law.


2019 ◽  
Vol 110 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-105

The article presents the fate of the former citizens of the pre-war Free City of Gdańsk in the 1950s, which were two different stages of the history of the Polish People’s Republic separated by the events of 1956. After the end of the Second World War the indigenous inhabitants of Gdańsk were obliged to undergo a nationality verification process as a result of which people declaring themselves as being of Polish origin were granted all civil rights. Others, regarded as Germans, were expelled to Germany. Many of them were residents of Gdańsk with Polish roots. Under the impact of mass Polish settlement and promotion of the pioneering ideology by the state, the indigenous inhabitants of Gdańsk lost their status as hosts of their city. In the Stalinist period the indigenous population of the so-called Recovered Territories, was supposed to contribute to the building of People’s Poland. Loss of their property, low quality of life, discrimination at work as well as loss of the cultural heritage of the Free City and forced re-Polonisation prompted indigenous inhabitants to turn away from Polishness. With the de-totalitarianisation of the state in the mid-1950 the government opened the borders a bit, allowing people to go to Germany as part of the re-unification of families campaign. Initially, only Germans were allowed to emigrate, but with time, and especially after the events of the “October revolution” the migrants also included indigenous inhabitants. The situation in Gdańsk was specific in that among the numerous Polish families wanting to emigrate were victims of Nazism, including former prisoners of concentration camps. In total, in 1956–1959, during the “re-unification of families” campaign, over ten thousand people, 30% of the indigenous population of Gdańsk, left the city.


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