scholarly journals The Control of The Kadi and The Muhtesib on The Urban Guilds in The Ottoman Empire

2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-247
Author(s):  
Mohammad Hefni

Success of the Ottoman empire as one of the greatest, most extensive, and longest-lasting empires in the history of the world could not be released from the efforts of the government to organize the state throught establishment various institutions. Among them are judicials instititution such as kadi courts and Hisbah institutions which was led by a muhtesib. Therefore, this paper discusses the relationship and the interaction between the kadi and the muhtesib in the Ottoman empire, and their historical roots in the periods before. The position of a kadi and a muhesib has existed in periods before the Ottoman empire. A kadi has existed since the Prophet Muhammad pbuh period. While, a muhtesib historically has began in the Greco-Roman agoranomos. In the Ottoman empire, both became important governmental functions. They had the power to pronounce decisions on everything connected with the sharî'a and the Sultanic law. They played roles in controlling urban life, its economic activities in particular. All the production and manufacturing activities in the cities that were carried out within the framework of the guild organization was under the control of the kadi and the muhtesib. For example a craft guilds and a creditor guilds.  

2016 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 62
Author(s):  
Wildan Sena Utama

This book investigates how culture, particularly national culture, in Indonesia has been shaped by the government policies from the Dutch colonial period in 1900s to the Reformation era in 2000s. It is an attempt to show the relationship between the state and culture around the process of production, circulation, regulation and reception of cultural policy through different regimes. Although this book discusses government policy, the author has realized that the book needs to overcome contradictions and confusions of cultural discourse by incorporating people as explanatory element. Many aspect of culturality may be influenced by the state, but according to Jones, “it is a field that is not stable and easy to shift that facilitates resistance, and is able to turn against the state, market and other institutions” (p. 31). Jones employs two postcolonial cultural policy tools to review the history of cultural policy in Indonesia: authoritarian cultural policy and command culture. The first means that the state has assumption if majority of citizen do not have capability to inspirit a responsible citizenship and need a state’s direction in the choice of their culture. On the contrary, command culture shows that the cultural idea that is planned in fact always been placing the state as center in planning, creating policy and revising cultural practice.


2020 ◽  
pp. 13-42
Author(s):  
Radhika Singha

This chapter assesses the key role of the non-combatant or follower ranks in the history of sub-imperial drives exerted across the land and sea frontiers of India. The reliance of the War Office upon combatant and non-combatant detachments from the Indian Army, used in combination with units of the British Army, left an imprint upon the first consolidated Indian Army Act of 1911. From 1914 the inter-regional contests of the Government of India for territory and influence, such as those running along the Arabian frontiers of the Ottoman empire, folded into global war. Nevertheless the despatch of an Indian Expeditionary Force to Europe in August 1914 disrupted raced imaginaries of the world order. The second less publicized exercise was the sending of Indian Labor Corps and of humble horse and mule drivers to France in 1917-18. The colour bar imposed by the Dominions on Indian settlers had begun to complicate the utilisation of Indian labor and Indian troops on behalf of empire. Over 1919-21, as global conflict segued back into imperial militarism, a strong critique emerged in India against the unilateral deployment of Indian troops and military labor, on fiscal grounds, in protest against their use to suppress political life in India and to condemn the international order which their use sustained.


Author(s):  
Efrinaldi Efrinaldi

In the history of Islamic politics, the leadership of the Messenger of Allah in Medina, who is protecting heterogeneous citizens, is a proof of the exisitency of the state and government in Islam. The Leadership of the Apostles in Medina indicates the fulfillment of the nominal requirements as a state. In the Medina state he is recognized as the supreme leader, which means the holder of the legislative, executive and judicial powers. In practice, however, he delegated executive and judicial duties to his capable and capable companions. In essence, there are two references to the life of the state arranged in the Medina Charter, namely: 1) All followers of Islam is a people although they are different tribes; 2) The relationship between Muslim and non-Muslim communities is based on the principles of: (a) being good neighbors, (b) helping each other against common enemies, (c) defending persecuted, (d) advising each other, and (e) respecting freedom religion. The essential elements for the formation of the State of Medina, consisting of a region, namely Medina; people composed of Muslim and non-Muslim groups; the government is controlled by the Prophet and assisted by his companions; as well as sovereigns based on the written law (Medina Charter) within the community of Medina.


Dialogia ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 199
Author(s):  
MK Ridwan

Abstract: Indonesia as a pluralism nation-state has established Pancasila as the state ideology. Pancasila is the result of the conceptualization and history of the struggle of the Indonesian. It contains the noble values and keeps the spirit of the nation's struggle. Due to the failures of the government in developing the country, radical groups appeared for replacing Pancasila ideology into Islamic Shari'a. They claims that Pancasila along with three other pillars as the ideology of "taghut". This paper aims to construct meaning and understanding of the relationship between Islam and Pancasila in the framework of national philosophy. It further offerssome alternatives concept and interpretation of the theological-philosophical basis of the process in the integration of Islam and Pancasila. Pancasila is not only the state ideology but it also represents a theological-philosophical construction encompassing Islamic principles. It signifies vision of Islam, which provides the understanding that the formulation of Pancasila idea is in fact inspired by Islamic concepts and values. It comprises the vision of Islam in its treatise. However, both concepts existentially have autonomous rights. It imply that Islam is a religion and Pancasila is ideology. Pancasila will not be a religion and religion will not be an ideology. ملخص:اندونيسيا كدولة وطنية مع وجود التعددية قد قررت المبادئ الخمسة (بانجاشيلا) كأيديولوجية الدولة. وكان بانجاشيلا يصور نتيجة الفكرة والتاريخ الطويل من كفاح سكان الإندونيسيا. فهي تحتوي على القيم النبيلة للأمة وتحافظ على روح كفاح الأمة. ولكن حينما حدث العديد من فشل الحكومة في إدارة البلاد فهناك بعض الجماعات المتطرفة التي ترغب في تغيير بانجاشيلا بالشريعة الإسلامية، بل كانت هذه الجماعة دعى أن بانجاشيلا وثلاثة مبادئ أخرى بأيديولوجية طاغوت. وتهدف هذه المقالة بناء معنى جديد للعلاقة والتكامل بين الإسلام وبانجاشيلا في إطار الفلسفة الوطنية. وفي نفس الوقت يحاول الكاتب لتقديم الفكر الجديد والتفسير عن الأساس اللاهوتي والفلسفي لعملية الاندماج بين الإسلام وبانجاشيلا. وهكذا، يمكن أخذ الاستنتاج أن بانجاشيلا هي أوسع من مجرد بناء الأيديولوجية للدولة الوطنية، ولكنها تصور أيضا عن البناء الفلسفي اللاهوتي الذي يحتوي على المبادئ الإسلامية. وحتى كانت بانجاشيلا تتضمن على جميع رؤية الإسلام التي تعطي على فكرة بانجاشيلا التي مصدرها من المفاهيم الإسلامية وقيمها. إذن كل ما احتوى فى بانجاشيلا مناسبة برؤية الإسلام. ولكن لكل منهما حقوقا مستقلة، وهذا يعني أن الإسلام دين وبانجاشيلا أيديولوجية ولن تكون بانجاشيلا دينا وكذلك الدين لن يكون إيديولوجيا. Abstrak: Indonesia sebagai negara-bangsa dengan segala komposisi pluralitas di dalamnya, telah menetapkan Pancasila sebagai ideologi negara. Pancasila adalah hasil konseptualisasi dan sejarah panjang perjuangan bangsa Indonesia. Di dalamnya memuat nilai-nilai bangsa yang luhur dan menyimpan spirit perjuangan bangsa. Namun, seiring dengan banyaknya kegagalan pemerintah dalam membangun negara, terdapat kelompok-kelompok ekstremis yang ingin mengubah Pancasila dengan Syariat Islam. Bahkan kelompok tersebut menyebut Pancasila beserta tiga pilar lainnya sebagai ideologi “taghut”. Tulisan ini bermaksud membangun makna dan pemahaman baru atas relasi maupun integrasi antara Islam dengan Pancasila dalam kerangka falsafah kebangsaan. Sekaligus berusaha menawarkan alternatif pemikiran dan interpretasi mengenai basis teologis-filosofis proses integrasi Islam dan Pancasila. Sehingga, dapat disimpulkan bahwa Pancasila lebih dari sekadar bangunan ideologi negara-bangsa, tetapi juga merepresentasikan suatu konstruk teologis-filosofis yang memuat prinsip-prinsip keislaman. Bahkan apa yang diusung oleh Pancasila secara keseluruhan termasuk visi Islam, yang memberikan pemahaman bahwa perumusan ide Pancasila sejatinya diilhami oleh konsep dan nilai-nilai keislaman. apa yang diusung oleh Pancasila secara keseluruhan menjadi visi Islam dalam risalahnya. Hanya saja keduanya secara eksistensial memiliki hak otonomi tersendiri. Artinya bahwa Islam adalah agama dan Pancasila adalah ideologi. Pancasila tidak akan menjadi agama dan agama tidak akan menjadi ideologi. Keywords: Integrated, Pancasila, Islam, The State Ideology  


Author(s):  
Ayrat Halitovich Tuhvatullin ◽  
Vitaly Anatolievich Epshteyn ◽  
Pavel Vladimirovich Pichygin ◽  
Alina Petrovna Sultanova

The article highlights the details of the foreign policy of the Arab Republic of Egypt and its impact on the regional security of the state of Israel in between 2012-2013. After the Islamists came to power, they began to dominate expectations that the political force led by Mohamed Morsi would initiate an active anti-Israel policy, however, with active anti-Semitic rhetoric, the "Muslim brotherhood" was able to maintain peaceful relations with Israel. The purpose of this study was to characterize the relationship between M. Morsi's government and the state of Israel during the period 2012 to 2013while revealing the impact of various factors on the preservation of peace in the region, especially in the face of the conflict situation that intensified in neigh boring countries such as Libya and Syria. The main approaches to the study of the problem under consideration were analytical method and content analysis. It is concluded that the article can also contribute to the study of the history of the Middle East within the framework of Arab-Israeli relations against the deterioration of the political situation and the strengthening of religious radicalism in the region.


Author(s):  
Igor' Olegovich Nadtochii ◽  
Sergei Vyacheslavovich Nikishin

The subject of this research is the views of the German classical philosopher Max Stirner on the individual, society, and the state reflected in his flagship work “The Ego and Its Own”. The object of this research is the anarchism as a unique trend in the world political and philosophical thought. On the one hand, the author emphasize the determinedness of the ideas of German philosopher by the historical atmosphere of his time, while on the other – view anarchism as the doctrine with the equally long history in the world thought and practical implementation of the anarchist concepts. The focus of M. Stirner's ideas lies in the conflict between an individual and the state. The scientific novelty of this article consists in the analysis of the essential conceptual conflict, immanent to the history of mankind, which is the foundation for M. Stirner’s original concept of the relationship between an individual, the state, and surrounding world. The trueness of being in the concept of German philosopher is determined by the embodiment of the anthropocentric, or according to M. Stirner, the “egoistic” ontological ideal. The authors' special contribution consists in the analysis of views of M. Stirner, as well as in tracing correlation between the  anarchist concepts and realization of the ideas of anarchism in one or another form. The authors show no reference to any value judgments related to this ideological phenomenon.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fathul Hamdani ◽  
Ana Fauzia

The implementation of these simultaneous regional elections is certainly a separate discourse that is interesting to be learned, especially concerning the enforcement of democracy and human rights. The main objectives of this research focus on the analysis related to the relationship between democracy and human rights, the fundamental dignity of democracy and human rights after the implementation of the regional leader’s elections in 2020, and also the government’s responsibility in case of an increase in cases of Covid-19 resulting from the implementation of simultaneous regional elections. In this research, the method used is normative juridical using statutory, conceptual, and historical approaches. The research results centered on a conception of democracy and human rights as a conception of humanity born from the history of human civilization. This conception of human rights and democracy in its development is significantly related to the conception of state law. Thus, the existence of Indonesia as a legal state places the law as a hierarchicalunity of the legal norms that culminate in the constitution, and the constitution has clearly and clearly stated in Article 28I paragraph (4) of the Constitution that: “The protection, promotion, enforcement, and fulfillment of human rights is the responsibility of the state, especially the government." Therefore, the state is responsible for ensuring the enforcement of the human rights of citizens, especially after the implementation of the 2020 regional leader elections (hereinafter as pilkada) amid the Covid-19 pandemic era.


1991 ◽  
Vol 127 ◽  
pp. 493-526 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert F. Ash

The institutional framework of agriculture defines the context in which the relationship between the peasant and the state is enacted. In China from the mid-1950s until 1979 that framework was characterized by a collectivist and interventionist ethos. The state–peasant relationship weighed heavily in favour of the state. The three tiers of agricultural organization–commune, brigade and production team – facilitated control of the economic activities of individual peasants by the government, whether at central or local level. Individual initiative was largely limited to those activities which could be carried out in spare time or on private plots. The relationship between effort and reward was frequently tenuous and distribution was guided by egalitarian principles.


Author(s):  
Paul J. Bolt ◽  
Sharyl N. Cross

Chapter 1 explores perspectives on world order, including power relationships and the rules that shape state behavior and perceptions of legitimacy. After outlining a brief history of the relationship between Russia and China that ranged from cooperation to military clashes, the chapter details Chinese and Russian perspectives on the contemporary international order as shaped by their histories and current political situation. Chinese and Russian views largely coincide on security issues, the desirability of a more multipolar order, and institutions that would enhance their standing in the world. While the Chinese–Russian partnership has accelerated considerably, particularly since the crisis in Ukraine in 2014, there are still some areas of competition that limit the extent of the relationship.


Author(s):  
J. R. McNeill

This chapter discusses the emergence of environmental history, which developed in the context of the environmental concerns that began in the 1960s with worries about local industrial pollution, but which has since evolved into a full-scale global crisis of climate change. Environmental history is ‘the history of the relationship between human societies and the rest of nature’. It includes three chief areas of inquiry: the study of material environmental history, political and policy-related environmental history, and a form of environmental history which concerns what humans have thought, believed, written, and more rarely, painted, sculpted, sung, or danced that deals with the relationship between society and nature. Since 1980, environmental history has come to flourish in many corners of the world, and scholars everywhere have found models, approaches, and perspectives rather different from those developed for the US context.


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