Craft Food Diversity

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kaitland M. Byrd
Keyword(s):  
Oral Histories ◽  
Food Diversity ◽  
Marginalized Groups ◽  
The Us ◽  
Diverse Communities ◽  
Food Movement

Using oral histories, this book highlights the voices, experiences and histories of marginalized groups from diverse communities who are the backbone of the artisanal food movement in the US.

A Precarious Confluence: Neoliberalism, Race, and Water Insecurity

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Mascarenhas
Keyword(s):  
First Nations ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
First Century ◽  
People Of Color ◽  
Water Insecurity ◽  
The Core ◽  
Marginalized Groups ◽  
Racial Projects ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Cities

Three very different field sites—First Nations communities in Canada, water charities in the Global South, and the US cities of Flint and Detroit, Michigan—point to the increasing precariousness of water access for historically marginalized groups, including Indigenous peoples, African Americans, and people of color around the globe. This multi-sited ethnography underscores a common theme: power and racism lie deep in the core of today’s global water crisis. These cases reveal the concrete mechanisms, strategies, and interconnections that are galvanized by the economic, political, and racial projects of neoliberalism. In this sense neoliberalism is not only downsizing democracy but also creating both the material and ideological forces for a new form of discrimination in the provision of drinking water around the globe. These cases suggest that contemporary notions of environmental and social justice will largely hinge on how we come to think about water in the twenty-first century.

Rethinking household demand for food diversity

2017 ◽  
Vol 119 (6) ◽  
pp. 1176-1188 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea M. Leschewski ◽  
Dave D. Weatherspoon ◽  
Annemarie Kuhns
Keyword(s):  
Diversity Index ◽  
Correlation Coefficients ◽  
Household Expenditures ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Product Code ◽  
Food Diversity ◽  
Food Expenditures ◽  
Food And Nutrition ◽  
The Us ◽  
Healthy Food Diversity

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to develop a group-based food diversity index, which represents diversity in household expenditures across food subgroups. The index is compared to a product code-based index and applied to reassess determinants of food diversity demand. Design/methodology/approach A group-based food diversity index is developed by adapting the US Healthy Food Diversity Index. Using Food Acquisition and Purchase Survey data on 4,341 US households, correlation coefficients, descriptive statistics and linear regressions are estimated to compare and reassess the determinants of group and product code-based food diversity demand. Findings Results show that the group and product code indices capture different forms of food diversity. The indices are only moderately correlated and have varying means and skewness. Education, gender, age, household size, race, SNAP and food expenditures are found to significantly affect food diversity. However, the magnitude and direction of the effects vary between group and product code indices. Given these differences, it is essential that studies select a diversity index that corresponds to their objective. Results suggest that group-based indices are appropriate for informing food and nutrition policy, while product code-based indices are ideal for guiding food industry management’s decision making. Originality/value A group-based food diversity index representative of household expenditures across food subgroups is developed.

scholarly journals COMPARISON OF CAREGIVERS FROM DIVERSE COMMUNITIES WHO IMMIGRATED TO OR WERE BORN IN THE US

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. S955-S955
Author(s):  
Lauren Stratton ◽  
David Bass ◽  
Rachel Schaffer ◽  
Sara Powers ◽  
Ocean Le ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Logistic Regression ◽  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Service Providers ◽  
The Us ◽  
Diverse Communities ◽  
Health Related ◽  
Similarities And Differences ◽  
Racial Ethnic ◽  
Selection Of

Abstract The Diverse Elders Coalition, in partnership with its six member organizations and the Benjamin Rose Institute on Aging, completed a national survey of 840 family and friend caregivers from diverse racial, ethnic, and sexual orientation communities to understand their unique caregiving issues and challenges. Data from a subsample of 369 caregivers identifying as Hispanic/Latino, Asian, Southeast Asian or multiple ethnicities were analyzed to understand similarities and differences between caregivers born in the US and who immigrated to the US. The Stress Process Conceptual Model guided selection of characteristics used for comparative analysis. Results of logistic regression revealed that caregivers born in the US were younger (B=-.08, p<.001), had higher educational degrees (B=.42, p<.001), and higher incomes (B=.34, p=.002). They assisted care receivers with more health-related tasks (B=.27, p=.013), but fewer culture-related tasks (B=-.51, p=.002); reported higher levels of strain in their relationship with care receivers (B=.66, p=.038); and were less satisfied with the quality of care receivers’ healthcare (B=-.62, p=.042). In terms of reasons for being a caregiver, there were no significant differences in cultural commitment to caring for older family members, however those born in the US were more likely to report providing care because it was more convenient for them than for other family and friends (B=.99, p=.002). Understanding the needs of diverse caregivers has implications for healthcare and service providers, such as providing training on diverse needs. Additionally, the differences between US born and immigrant caregivers highlights implications on the dynamic between caregivers and their care receiver.

scholarly journals Mickey B/Macbeth: Bringing Shakespeare to Prisons and Academia via Film Adaptation

2020 ◽  
pp. 105
Author(s):  
Rosa García Periago
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Community Engagement ◽  
Full Length ◽  
Film Adaptation ◽  
Cultural Work ◽  
Academic World ◽  
Marginalized Groups ◽  
The Us ◽  
Socially Excluded

This article examines in detail the project that will be carried out in Murcia (Spain) in 2021 involving Mickey B (dir. Tom Magill, 2007), a full-length film adaptation of Macbeth, filmed and created by the inmates of a high-security prison in Northern Ireland, Her Majesty’s Prison Maghaberry. As part of my collaboration with the Educational Shakespeare Company (ESC, now rebranded as esc films), a charity with branches in Northern Ireland and the US, I translated Mickey B into Spanish. Through this translation, I intend to introduce esc film’s work with socially excluded groups to both marginalized groups themselves and to academia in order to bring into focus the possibilities of community engagement and the necessary interlinks between academia and what happens beyond the academic world. This case study is the first to examine a finished Prison Shakespeare film project (Mickey B) outside Northern Ireland. It aims to analyze the process and artistic outcome of the project and to introduce into a Spanish context some of the ideas promoted by the film (the choice of Shakespeare’s plays to promote a reparative cultural work or the notion of inmates as victims as well as perpetrators). However, my aim is to go beyond prison Shakespeare, and to explore the numerous possibilities a film adaptation like Mickey B could have, not only in a prison context, but also within academia and film theatres. The constant and ongoing interconnections between the different scenarios and agents make this project the first of its kind in Spain.

Politically Invisible in America

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-7
Author(s):  
Simon Jackman ◽  
Bradley Spahn
Keyword(s):  
Interest Groups ◽  
Political System ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
Voter Registration ◽  
The Political ◽  
High Quality ◽  
Marginalized Groups ◽  
The Us ◽  
Vote Intention

ABSTRACT Campaigns, parties, interest groups, pollsters, and political scientists rely on voter-registration lists and consumer files to identify people as targets for registration drives, persuasion, and mobilization and to be included in sampling frames for surveys. We introduce a new category of Americans: the politically invisible—that is, people who are unreachable using these voter and marketing lists. Matching a high-quality, random sample of the US population to multiple lists reveals that at least 11% of the adult citizenry is unlisted. An additional 12% is mislisted (i.e., not living at their recorded address). These groups are invisible to list-based campaigns and research, making them difficult or impossible to contact. Two in five Blacks and (citizen) Hispanics are unreachable, but only 18% of whites. The unreachable are poorer than the reachable population, have markedly lower levels of political engagement, and are much less likely to report contact with candidates and campaigns. They are heavily Democratic in party identification and vote intention, favoring Obama versus Romney 73 to 27, with only 16% identifying as Republicans. That the politically invisible are more liberal and from historically marginalized groups shows that the turn to list-based campaigning and research could worsen existing biases in the political system.

scholarly journals Nature Connectedness and Nature Exposure Interactively Influence Social Dominance Orientation and Policy Support for Marginalized Groups during the COVID-19 Pandemic

2021 ◽  
pp. 001391652110311
Author(s):  
Henry Kin Shing Ng ◽  
Angel Nga Man Leung
Keyword(s):  
Natural Environment ◽  
Social Dominance ◽  
Social Dominance Orientation ◽  
Policy Support ◽  
Marginalized Groups ◽  
High Security ◽  
The Us ◽  
Nature Connectedness ◽  
And Behavior ◽  
Attitudes And Behavior

Social dominance orientation (SDO) has been reported to predict attitudes and behavior toward the natural environment. This research investigated whether dispositional connectedness with and temporary exposure to nature would reversely alter SDO. Two studies reported consistent results: Nature connectedness predicted lower SDO, and exposure to nature (vs. urban) decreased SDO only among nature-connected people. Moreover, the effect of nature exposure was strongest when the environment registered high security features. Study 2 generalized the findings on SDO to people’s policy support for marginalized groups in the US during the COVID-19 pandemic. The findings are discussed in the light of the transition from people-to-nature connections to interpersonal connections and the heterogeneity of nature’s effect. We conclude by discussing the importance of nature exposure, of which people have been deprived since the global lockdown, in combating the COVID-19 pandemic.

scholarly journals Muslim Stand-Up Comedy in the US and the UK: Incongruity, Everydayness, and Performativity

Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (10) ◽  
pp. 801
Author(s):  
Lamiae Aidi
Keyword(s):  
Popular Culture ◽  
The Other ◽  
Muslim American ◽  
American Popular Culture ◽  
Stand Up Comedy ◽  
Marginalized Groups ◽  
Arab Muslim ◽  
The Us ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
The Uk

The objectives of this article are two-fold: to provide a review of the major figures and trends in Muslim American comedy and discuss certain techniques and approaches that have been used by stand-up comedians to counter predominant and discriminatory perceptions of the “Other”. To reiterate film critic Jack Shaheen’s argument in Reel Bad Arabs: How Hollywood Vilifies a People, the Western public is fed constructions of Islam as a “problem”; the terms “Arab” and “Muslim” are interchangeably used; Muslim men are depicted as “terrorists”; and Muslim women are depicted as “veiled and oppressed”. Much has been written on the generation and effect of stereotypes promoted by popular culture. However, stereotyped groups also use popular culture to speak for themselves. Popular culture also functions to resist, counter, push back against, and subvert stereotypes. In other words, the “Other” can speak for him or herself through popular culture as a means of contesting stereotypes that define Muslims and Arabs in terms of cultural and religious understandings that narrowly categorize individuals through attributes such as religiosity and femininity. This potential is being realized by second-generation Muslims familiar with the platforms created and provided by other marginalized groups in Anglo-American popular culture, and their work has come into its own especially in the aftermath of 9/11, a time that saw both the intensification of stereotypes and heightening of Muslim American consciousness. I concentrate on these specific stand-up comedians in the US and the UK, despite the fact that there are others in the diaspora who discuss Islamophobia, because these American and British comedians address all of the three most common stereotypes of Muslims: “Arab = Muslim”, the “terrorist”, and the “veiled and oppressed woman”.

Bias in the Treatment of Non-Germans in the British and American Military Government Courts in Occupied Germany, 1945–46

2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 641-666
Author(s):  
Thomas J. Kehoe ◽  
Elizabeth M. Greenhalgh
Keyword(s):  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Criminal Justice System ◽  
Justice System ◽  
Military Government ◽  
American Military ◽  
Marginalized Groups ◽  
British Military ◽  
The Us ◽  
Crime Wave ◽  
Western Germany

AbstractNon-Germans—particularly “displaced persons”—were routinely blamed for crime in occupied western Germany. The Allied and German fixation on foreign gangs, violent criminals, and organized crime syndicates is well documented in contemporary reports, observations, and the press. An abundance of such data has long shaped provocative historical narratives of foreign-perpetrated criminality ranging from extensive disorder through to near uncontrolled anarchy. Such accounts complement assertions of a broader and more generalized crime wave. Over the last 30 years, however, a literature has emerged that casts doubt on the actual extent of lawlessness during the occupation of the west and, in turn, on the level non-German participation in crime. It may be that extensive reporting of non-German criminality at the time reflected the preexisting bigotries of Germans and the Allies, which when combined with anxieties about social and societal integrity became focused on the most marginalized groups in postwar society. This process of “group criminalization” is common and can have different motivations. Regardless of its cause, it was clearly evident in postwar western Germany and we hypothesized that it should have created harsher outcomes for non-German versus German criminal defendants when facing the Allied criminal justice system, such as greater rates of conviction and harsher punishments. This hypothesis was tested using newly collected military government court data from 1945 to 1946. Contrary to expectations, we found a more subtle bias against non-Germans than expected, which we argue reveals important characteristics about the US and British military government criminal justice system.

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