scholarly journals The Era of Interbellum: reasons for the passiveness of the UK foreign policy

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
B.H. Kushkhov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
World War ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Second World ◽  
Uk Foreign Policy

Целью исследования является изучение прямой связи между внутриполити- ческими процессами в Великобритании и ее внешнеполитической концепцией, которая во многом привела к разрушению существовавшей в международных отношениях системы и эскалации захватнических авантюр нацистской Германии. В числе использованных мате- риалов – мемуары и заметки как видных британских политических деятелей – «Вторая Мировая война» У. Черчилля, – так и советских дипломатов, работавших в Великобрита- нии. Помимо этого, в исследовании задействованы данные из британских и российских внешнеполитических и военных архивов, работы военных историков, социологов и по- литологов из России и США. В результате было установлено прямое влияние политиче- ских, экономических и социальных процессов в Великобритании на специфику ее внешней политики данного периода. The article is concerned with the specifi c features of the interbellum international relations, offering a comprehensive study of the topic through the analysis of the interior situation in the United Kingdom, (the state which had been considered as one of the champions of the international relations system of Versailles), and its impact on these exact specifi c features. The genesis of the Second World War is, by defi nition, an important topic in the fi eld of international relations: being «multidimensionally» studied, it can present the understanding of global confl ict’s origin, the knowledge about events and processes that cause them. The aim of this study is the establishment of direct connection between the interior social, economic and political agenda of the UK in that era and its concept of foreign policy that , to some defi nite extend, lead to the demolition of the international relations system of that time and gave birth to the aggression of nazi Germany in Europe. The memories and historical notes of the British interbellum political establishment and soviet diplomats, the materials extracted from military and foreign affairs archives of the UK and the USSR, comprehensive studies of Russian and American historians, sociologists and economists have been used as a scientifi c material for this research.

A ‘Sound Investment’? British Cultural Diplomacy and Overseas Students: The British Council's Students Committee, 1935–1939

2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-283
Author(s):  
Alice Byrne
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Diplomacy ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Overseas Students ◽  
British Council ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Foreign Office ◽  
Run Up ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Second World

This article explores the UK government's first foray into cultural diplomacy by focusing on the activities of the British Council's Students Committee in the run-up to the Second World War. Students were placed at the heart of British cultural diplomacy, which drew on foreign models as well as the experience of intra-empire exchanges. While employing cultural internationalist discourse, the drive to attract more overseas students to the United Kingdom was intended to bring economic and political advantages to the host country. The British Council pursued its policy in cooperation with non-state actors but ultimately was guided by the Foreign Office, which led it to target key strategic regions, principally in Europe and the Mediterranean Basin.

Foreign Policy and the Nationality Problem in Austria-Hungary, 1867–1914

1967 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 37-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Solomon Wank
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Science Methods ◽  
World War ◽  
Social Science Methods ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Internal Policy ◽  
Second World ◽  
First World

The theories on foreign policy and international relations which have emerged in the last decade stress the interaction between foreign policy and internal social structure. Contemporary analysis of this interaction has benefited from refined social science methods and concepts developed since the end of the Second World War, but awareness of the connection between foreign policy and internal policy is not new. For instance, as long ago as the eve of the First World War Rudolf Goldscheid wrote that “nothing is more Utopian than the belief that substantial alterations in internal policy can be realized without simultaneous corresponding changes in foreign [policy] and vice versa.” The interaction between Austro-Hungarian foreign policy and the nationality problem in the monarchy from 1867 until 1914 is a striking example of Goldscheid's general thesis.

scholarly journals Victorious powers and Spain in the post-war world order

2017 ◽  
pp. 16-19
Author(s):  
Elena Kryukova
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
World Order ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Domestic Policy ◽  
World War ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Post War ◽  
Second World ◽  
New System

The article deals with the foreign policy and domestic policy of Spain in the first years after the end of the Second World War. The author analyzes the relationships between the Francoist Spain and the USA, England, France and the USSR during the difficult period of entry of the country into the new system of the international relations.

scholarly journals Soviet Foreign Policy from the Spanish Civil War to the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, 1936–1939

2019 ◽  
pp. 69-96
Author(s):  
Daniel Kowalsky
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
World War ◽  
Soviet Foreign Policy ◽  
Red Army ◽  
Second World

Having consolidated his power in the late 1920s, Joseph Stalin long focused on internal affairs: the Five Year Plans, collectivization of agriculture, rapid industrialization, and modernization of the Red Army. Despite his penchant for domestic policy, from the summer of 1936 Stalin’s Soviet Union was increasingly drawn into foreign affairs. This article explores Stalin’s foreign policy on the eve of the Second World War. The Soviet Union’s multiple failures in forging an anti-Fascist alliance with Britain and France, most notably in the Spanish Civil War, will be explored as the prelude to Stalin’s eventual decision, in August 1939, to authorize the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact.

«The enemy of my enemy»: actions of Azerbaijan «Musavat» party in Germany (1933–1939)

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Й. Шнелле
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Third Reich ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
World War ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Third Reich ◽  
Second World

В данной статье рассматриваются отношения "Мусават", бывшей правящей партии Азербайджанской Республики и наиболее активной партии азербайджанских эмигрантов, с Третьим Рейхом в довоенный период. В 1933–1939 гг. Германия сыграла большую роль для партии «Мусават» в поисках союзников в борьбе против СССР. Мусаватисты некоторое время сотрудничали с Антикоминтерном в области антикоммунистической пропаганды и в 1939 г. были под покровительством Внешнеполитического управления НСДАП. Тем не менее положение «Мусават» в Германии оставалось неустойчивым вплоть до начала Второй мировой войны, надежды этой партии на эффективную поддержку со стороны Берлина не оправдались. The article examines relations between «Musavat», the former leading party of the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic and the most active party of Azerbaijan immigrants, and the Third Reich during the pre-war period. In 1933–1939 Germany helped the party in search for anti-Soviet allies. Members of «Musavat» collaborated with the Anti-Comintern in Anti-Bolshevik Propaganda activities in 1939, they were under the NSDAP Office of Foreign Affairs protection. Never the less «Musavat» party haven’t gained a steady position till the beginning of the Second World War, it’s hopes for effective help and support from Berlin were not realized.

THE ALLIED NEUTRAL? PORTUGUESE BALANCE OF PAYMENTS WITH THE UK AND GERMANY IN THE SECOND WORLD WAR, 1939-1945

2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-110
Author(s):  
Eric Golson
Keyword(s):  
Raw Materials ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Balance Of Payments ◽  
International Standards ◽  
Third Party ◽  
World War ◽  
Portuguese Empire ◽  
Active Choice ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Second World

ABSTRACTIn September 1939, Portugal made a realist strategic choice to preserve the Portuguese Empire maintaining by its neutrality and also remaining an ally of Great Britain. While the Portuguese could rely largely on their colonies for raw materials to sustain the mainland, the country had long depended on British transportation for these goods and the Portuguese military. With the British priority now given to war transportation, Portugal's economy and Empire were particularly vulnerable. The Portuguese dictator Antonio Salazar sought to mitigate this damage by maintaining particularly friendly financial relations with the British government, including increased exports of Portuguese merchandise and services and permission to accumulate credits in Sterling to cover deficits in the balance of payments. This paper gives an improved set of comprehensive statistics for the Anglo-Portuguese and German–Portuguese relationships, reported in Pounds and according to international standards. The reported statistics include the trade in merchandise, services, capital flows, loans and third-party transfers of funds in favour of the British account. When compared with the German statistics, the Anglo-Portuguese figures show the Portuguese government favoured the British in financial relations, an active choice by Salazar to maintain the Portuguese Empire.

scholarly journals The Westphalian model and sovereign equality

2011 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 641-660 ◽  
Author(s):  
PETER M. R. STIRK
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
World War ◽  
Sovereign Equality ◽  
Normative Principle ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Second World

AbstractAlthough the Westphalian model takes many forms the association of Westphalian and sovereign equality is a prominent one. This article argues firstly that sovereign equality was not present as a normative principle at Westphalia. It argues further that while arguments for sovereign equality were present in the eighteenth century they did not rely on, or even suggest, a Westphalian provenance. It was, for good reasons, not until the late nineteenth century that the linkages of Westphalia and sovereign equality became commonplace, and even then sovereign equality and its linkage with Westphalia were disputed. It was not until after the Second World War, notably through the influential work of Leo Gross that the linkage of Westphalia and sovereign equality became not only widely accepted, but almost undisputed until quite recently. The article concludes by suggesting that not only did Gross bequeath a dubious historiography but that this historiography is an impediment to contemporary International Relations.

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