scholarly journals Melodramatic Mayhew: J.B. Johnstone’s How We Live in the World of London

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-133
Author(s):  
Taryn Hakala

The British stage of the1850s produced a flurry of dramas influenced by Henry Mayhew’s work on urban poverty, many of which were written for the “minor” theatres of London’s East End and the south side of the Thames. Often dismissed as literary “hacks,” the writers for these theatres and their works have been largely undervalued and understudied. This article shines a spotlight on one such writer, John Beer Johnstone, whose How We Live in the World of London; Or, London Labour and the London Poor premiered at the Surrey Theatre on 24 March 1856. Taking a positive view of literary “piracy,” I argue that Johnstone’s play cleverly re-imagines Mayhew’s social journalism and subverts prevalent stereotypes of the urban poor for the Surrey’s mixed audiences.

1948 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-58
Author(s):  
L. S. Cressman

In the summer of 1937, a new paleo-Indian site was discovered at the south end of Odell Lake in Oregon. Odell Lake (PI. VI), lies in a glacial trough just east of the divide in the Cascade Mountains, in T 23 S, R 6½ E, Willamette Meridian. The elevation of the lake is 4,792 feet (Deschutes National Forest Map, Willamette Meridian, 1947).In the summer of 1946, the proprietors, Wilson J. Wade and Charles A. Porter, were excavating for the foundations and basement of a lodge on the south side of the outlet of Odell Lake on a bench or terrace at the east end, about 25 feet above the lake. Richard P. Bottcher, Engineer of the U. S. Forest Service, Deschutes National Forest, was present. The excavation went through a bed of pumice and into the glacial moraine on which it rests. Bottcher picked up points which he thought came from under the pumice. He showed these to Mr. Phil Brogan of Bend, Oregon, Managing Editor of the Bend Bulletin, who was aware of the previous finds under Crater Lake pumice. Brogan shortly afterward called my attention to the site.


1806 ◽  
Vol 96 ◽  
pp. 342-347 ◽  

1. The irregular oval line, delineated on the annexed map (Plate XIV.) shows nearly the inner edge of a limestone bason, in which all the strata of coal and iron ore (commonly called Iron Stone) in South Wales are deposited; the length of this bason is upwards of 100 miles, and the average breadth in the counties of Monmouth, Glamorgan, Carmarthen, and part of Brecon, is from 18 to 20 miles, and in Pembrokeshire only from 3 to 5 miles. 2. On the north side of a line, that may be drawn in an east and west direction, ranging nearly through the middle of this bason, all the strata rise gradually northward; and on the south side of this line they rise southward, till they come to the surface, except at the east end, which is in the vicinity of Pontipool, where they rise eastward.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean-Claude Bolay ◽  
◽  
Eléonore Labattut ◽  

In 2018, the world population is around 7.6 billion, 4.2 billion in urban settlements and 3.4 billion in rural areas. Of this total, according to UN-Habitat, 3.2 billion of urban inhabitants live in southern countries. Of them, one billion, or nearly a third, live in slums. Urban poverty is therefore an endemic problem that has not been solved despite all initiatives taken to date by public and private sectors. This global transformation of our contemporary societies is particularly challenging in Asia and Africa, knowing that on these two continents, less than half of the population currently lives in urban areas. In addition, over the next decades, 90% of the urbanization process will take place in these major regions of the world. Urban planning is not an end in itself. It is a way, human and technological, to foresee the future and to act in a consistent and responsible way in order to guarantee the wellbeing of the populations residing in cities or in their peripheries. Many writers and urban actors in the South have criticized the inadequacy of urban planning to the problems faced by the cities confronting spatial and demographic growth. For many of them the reproduction of Western models of planning is ineffective when the urban context responds to very different logics. It is therefore a question of reinventing urban planning on different bases. And in order to address the real problems that urban inhabitants and authorities are facing, and offering infrastructures and access to services for all, this with the prospect of reducing poverty, to develop a more inclusive city, with a more efficient organization, in order to make it sustainable, both environmental than social and economic. The field work carried out during recent years in small and medium-sized cities in Burkina Faso, Brazil, Argentina and Vietnam allows us to focus the attention of specialists and decision makers on intermediate cities that have been little studied but which are home to half of the world's urban population. From local diagnoses, we come to a first conclusion. Many small and medium-sized cities in the South can be considered as poor cities, from four criteria. They have a relatively large percentage of the population is considered to be poor; the local government and its administration do not have enough money to invest in solving the problems they face; these same authorities lack the human resources to initiate and manage an efficient planning process; urban governance remains little open to democratic participation and poorly integrates social demand into its development plans. Based on this analysis, we consider it is imperative to renovate urban planning as part of a more participatory process that meets the expectations of citizens with more realistic criteria. This process incorporates different stages: an analysis grounded on the identification of urban investment needed to improve the city; the consideration of the social demands; a realistic assessment of the financial resources to be mobilized (municipal budget, taxes, public and international external grants, public private partnership); a continuous dialogue between urban actors to determine the urban priorities to be addressed in the coming years. This protocol serves as a basis for comparative studies between cities in the South and a training program initiated in Argentina for urban actors in small and medium sized cities, which we wish to extend later to other countries of the South


Author(s):  
Michael B. Likosky

Should the urban poor be asked to pay their way out of poverty? Should transnational corporations be invited to profit from the plight of the urban poor? I fear that, if we use privatization to solve urban poverty, then we are answering ‘yes’ to these questions. In his impassioned and challenging contribution to this collection, World Bank President James Wolfensohn describes the World Bank’s Cities Without Slums action plan. This plan is in the process of upgrading infrastructures and services in urban slums globally. However, this plan and others like it seek in part to solve urban poverty by using the specific privatization technique of the public– private partnership. By harnessing the power of transnational corporations to solve urban poverty, such partnerships demand that the poor pay private companies for what should be their birthright: a basic social and economic infrastructure. In this response, I’d like to highlight three pieces for special attention: the lectures by Stuart Hall, David Harvey, and James Wolfensohn. Hall and Harvey’s account of the relationship between globalization, privatization, and urban poverty is very different from that offered by Wolfensohn. For Hall and Harvey, globalization impoverishes, while for Wolfensohn it is the key to solving the problem of urban poverty. With minor qualifications I will side with Hall and Harvey and argue that, while Wolfensohn’s position has important merits, it should be modified in significant ways. It seems to me that many of the problems of urban poverty are caused by globalization. The bill for eradicating urban poverty should be handed to the beneficiaries of globalization, not to its victims. I’ll start by fleshing out a recurring theme in all three chapters, the privatization of our cities, before giving some sense of how the privatization of urban infrastructure has come about over the last twenty-five or so years. Then I’ll turn to the lectures by Hall, Harvey, and Wolfensohn. The privatization of urban infrastructures started in the late 1970s in the United Kingdom. It was part of what Stuart Hall in his contribution refers to as ‘the privatization of public goods’.


2002 ◽  
Vol 18 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 81-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rocío Enríquez Rosas

Urban poverty in countries like Mexico nowadays shows a new dynamism that calls for an inter disciplinary approach to allow us to sort out the underlying mechanisms that keep many Mexican households in poverty. Based on current theoretical debates about survival strategies and relying on an anthropological approach, this paper analyzes how urban poor households confront their condition. The analysis starts out from a case study, the world of meanings that underlie poverty and the alternatives that the urban poor currently develop, especially urban poor women, who are mothers (whether they be heads of household or not), in order to survive daily.


1922 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 109-111
Author(s):  
A. D. Passmore

Since the excavations at Avebury it has been a mystery that the Ditch inside the bank surrounding the greatest stone circle in the world should be thirty feet deep on its south side. A walk round the fosse as it remains to-day reveals the fact that it is deeper on the south side, where the ground-level is higher than on the north; on the latter the ordinary level is 510 ft. O.D., while on the former it is 527 ft. This seems to point to the conclusion that a ditch was planned with a level bottom irrespective of the original level of the ground at any one point, and that the Ditch was not therefore made the same depth all round. The enormous labour of digging this huge trench 30 ft. deep, over 40 ft. wide at top, and 17 ft. at the bottom was incurred for some definite object. Ordinarily the theory of a prehistoric ditch is that it was to keep out man or animals; in this case 10 ft. of depth with fairly steep sides would be impassable for either; therefore to accdunt for the extraordinary exertion of going down 20 ft. deeper than necessary we must adopt another hypothesis, and the fact that the ditch is now deeper on the south, where the ground is highest, gives a clue to the problem.


The basin, which is here described by Mr. Martin, is delineated in a map annexed to the paper; it is formed of limestone, and contains all the strata of coal and iron ore in South Wales: it is up­wards of 100 miles in length; and its average breadth in the coun­ties of Monmouth, Glamorgan, Carmarthen, and part of Brecon, is from 18 to 20 miles; but in Pembrokeshire its breadth is only from 3 to 5 miles. On the northern half of the basin the strata rise gradually north­ward; on the south side they rise southward, except at the east end, where they rise eastward. The deepest part of the basin is between Neath, in Glamorganshire, and Llanelly in Carmarthenshire, where the depth of the principal strata of coal and iron ore is from 600 to 700 fathoms; whereas in Pembrokeshire, none of the strata lie above 80 or 100 fathoms deep.


Archaeologia ◽  
1929 ◽  
Vol 79 ◽  
pp. 73-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. J. P. Cave

The roof of the nave of Tewkesbury Abbey belongs to the first half of the fourteenth century; the bosses are carved in stone. Those down the central rib represent scenes from the life of Christ; those on the sides are angels, some with censers, some with musical instruments, and some, at the east end, with instrumentsof the Passion; there are also the four evangelistic symbols. For purposes of reference I have numbered the central line of bosses from the west end C 1, C 2, etc.; those at the side are numbered from the east end, on the north side N 1, N 2, etc., and similarly on the south side. I have numbered them thus as the central bosses obviously begin with the Nativity at the west end, while the side series have the most important figures at the east end.


1938 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 122-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Keiller ◽  
Stuart Piggott ◽  
A. D. Passmore ◽  
A. J. E. Cave

The Lanhill Barrow stands on the south side of the Chippenham–Marshfield road about 2½ miles west-north-west of the former place. It stands on level ground with a gentle slope to the south down to a small spring a few yards away on that side. The water runs east and at the bottom a dam has been carried across the field thus at one time forming a small lake, this is probably later in date than the barrow itself. The direction of the barrow is slightly south of east and north of west with the larger end to the former point. It is about 185 ft. long by 90 ft. wide at the east end, gradually tapering to a point at the west.


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