scholarly journals The Conservation of African Elephants under the CITES International Ivory Trade Ban

2021 ◽  
pp. 71-83
Author(s):  
Tatenda Leopold Chakanyuka

1989 CITES decision to put a total ban on international trade in ivory and the decisions to allow the 1999 and 2008 one-off-sales have generated polarized debates on whether or not these decisions are the reasons behind increasing levels of poaching in Africa. An undisputed fact is that; international illegal ivory trade has promoted rampant elephant poaching in Africa. What has and is contested is whether the ban or the one-off sales have a role to play in the current elephant poaching and increase in the illegal ivory trade. The Southern African range countries blame the international ivory trade ban for the current ivory poaching levels, while Countries such as Kenya, Benin and Uganda have blamed the sales for reigniting international appetite for ivory. The available evidence suggests that the international ivory trade ban with an unbanned domestic market has promoted poaching and negatively impacted on range countries’ ability to effectively and sustainably protect elephants. Besides the reduction or elimination of revenue, the ban undermined the economic incentives associated with elephant conservation, thereby making elephant conservation unattractive, unachievable and subsequently opening up to poaching and illegal trade.

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-70
Author(s):  
Tatenda Leopold Chakanyuka

Abstract This article focuses on the impact of the ban of international trade of the ivory of the African elephant under the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species. This species is overpopulated in some countries and threatened in other countries. Overall, its current population and the level of decline suggest a species that is endangered. The population disparities have created misunderstandings in terms of how to address the issues. Controversy has surrounded the two instances of legal sales of ivory, and the continuing ban on ivory trade from 1989 has contributed to animosity between pro-ban Western ‘conservationists’ and anti-ban African countries, with accusations of ‘ecological imperialism’ being levelled at some of the protagonists. The article observes that the vast global ivory market has largely been sustained by countries that have failed to effectively enact laws and/or enforce them, as well as failing to deal with corruption and illegal markets within their jurisdictions. It is argued that identifying such culprit countries and their role in promoting elephant poaching and ivory trade, and identifying the reasons behind the poaching and illegal trade, is crucial in reducing the incidence of poaching. The article argues that with a better understanding of the illegal trade, CITES can take deliberate steps to assist countries involved in the ivory trade where they need that support.


Diversity ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (12) ◽  
pp. 453
Author(s):  
Shuokai Wang ◽  
Zhen Cai ◽  
Yuxuan Hu ◽  
Giuseppe T. Cirella ◽  
Yi Xie

Despite passionate efforts to preserve African elephants worldwide, their numbers continue to decline. Some conservation programs have suspended operations because the funds provided by various governmental and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) cannot cover the enormous expenses of countering poaching, habitat destruction, and illegal ivory trading. This study investigates Chinese resident preferences for African elephant conservation using a choice experiment model. Results indicated that two-thirds of our 442 respondents with relatively higher education and income levels were willing to donate to conserve African elephants. Respondents were willing to donate RMB 1593.80 (USD 231.65) annually to African elephant conservation. Chinese residents were willing to donate the most to anti-poaching RMB 641.25 (USD 93.20), followed by enhancing habitat quality RMB 359.07 (USD 52.22), combating the illegal trade in ivory RMB 355.63 (USD 51.69), and alleviating human–elephant conflicts RMB 237.85 (USD 34.57). Our results suggest that accepting public donations could be an efficient way for NGOs to better preserve African elephants.


2004 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 309-321 ◽  
Author(s):  
DANIEL STILES

In response to significant elephant population declines in the 1970s and 1980s because of poaching for ivory, the Convention on the International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) banned the international trade in Asian and African elephant species by listing them on Appendix I in 1973 and 1989, respectively. Many southern African countries disagreed with the African elephant trade ban and have continued to argue against it since the mid-1980s. They maintain that their governments practise sound wildlife management policies and actions and, as a consequence, their national elephant populations have reached unsustainable size. They argue that they should not be penalized because other countries cannot manage their wildlife. Further, they say they need the proceeds from ivory and other by-product sales to finance conservation efforts. In 1997, the CITES Conference of Parties voted to allow Botswana, Namibia and Zimbabwe to auction off 50 tonnes of government ivory stockpiles to Japanese traders on a one-off experimental basis, which took place in 1999. Ivory trade opponents allege that this sale stimulated ivory demand, resulting in a surge of elephant poaching. Nevertheless, CITES voted again in 2002 to allow Botswana, Namibia and South Africa to auction off another 60 tonnes of ivory after May 2004. Trade opponents have launched an active campaign to prevent the sales, warning that they could provoke a renewed elephant holocaust. This paper reviews available quantitative evidence on ivory trade and elephant killing to evaluate the arguments of the ivory trade proponents and opponents. The evidence supports the view that the trade bans resulted generally in lower levels of ivory market scale and elephant poaching than prevailed prior to 1990. There is little evidence to support claims that the 1999 southern African ivory auctions stimulated ivory demand or elephant poaching. Levels of elephant poaching and illegal ivory trading in a country are more likely to be related to wildlife management practices, law enforcement and corruption than to choice of CITES appendix listings and consequent extent of trade restrictions. Elephant conservation and public welfare can be better served by legal ivory trade than by a trade ban, but until demand for ivory can be restrained and various monitoring and regulation measures are put into place it is premature for CITES to permit ivory sales.


2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 33-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Evans

This paper considers the relationship between social science and the food industry, and it suggests that collaboration can be intellectually productive and morally rewarding. It explores the middle ground that exists between paid consultancy models of collaboration on the one hand and a principled stance of nonengagement on the other. Drawing on recent experiences of researching with a major food retailer in the UK, I discuss the ways in which collaborating with retailers can open up opportunities for accessing data that might not otherwise be available to social scientists. Additionally, I put forward the argument that researchers with an interest in the sustainability—ecological or otherwise—of food systems, especially those of a critical persuasion, ought to be empirically engaging with food businesses. I suggest that this is important in terms of generating better understandings of the objectionable arrangements that they seek to critique, and in terms of opening up conduits through which to affect positive changes. Cutting across these points is the claim that while resistance to commercial engagement might be misguided, it is nevertheless important to acknowledge the power-geometries of collaboration and to find ways of leveling and/or leveraging them. To conclude, I suggest that universities have an important institutional role to play in defining the terms of engagement as well as maintaining the boundaries between scholarship and consultancy—a line that can otherwise become quite fuzzy when the worlds of commerce and academic research collide.


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-109
Author(s):  
Stephen De la Harpe

The promotion of international trade is seen as one of the important instruments to ensure development in developing nations and regions. The history of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and the drafting of many regional and similar international trade agreements are evidence of this. The Southern African Development Community (SADC) is no exception.1 It is therefore strange that many states that are members of the WTO and actively encourage the opening up of international borders to free trade do not include public procurement2 in such free trade arrangements. This is particularly evident in developing states. If the WTO Government Procurement Agreement (GPA), which is a plurilateral agreement, is considered it is clear that many states do not wish to open their internal markets to competition in the public procurement sphere. It is therefore not surprising that public procurement has been described as the last rampart of state protectionism (Ky, 2012). Public procurement is an important segment of trade in any country (Arrowsmith & Davies, 1998). It is estimated that public procurement represents between 10% and 15% of the gross domestic product (GDP) of developed countries and up to 25% of GDP in developing states (Wittig, 1999). Unfortunately, governments often expect private industry to open up national markets for international competition but do not lead the way. Except for the limited use of pooled procurement,3 no specific provision is at present made for the harmonisation and integration of public procurement in the SADC. In view of the proximity of the member states, the interdependency of their economies and the benefits that can be derived from opening up their boundaries to regional competition in public procurement, the possibility of harmonisation and deeper integration in this sphere needs to be given more attention. The importance of public procurement in international trade and regional integration is twofold: first, it forms a substantial part of trade with the related economic and developmental implications; secondly, it is used by governments as an instrument to address socio-economic issues. Public procurement spending is also important because of its potential influence on human rights, including aspects such as the alleviation of poverty, the achievement of acceptable labour standards and environmental goals, and similar issues (McCrudden, 1999). In this article the need to harmonise public procurement in the SADC in order to open up public procurement to regional competition, some of the obstacles preventing this, and possible solutions are discussed. Reference is made to international instruments such as the United Nations Commission on International Trade Law (UNCITRAL), the Model Law on Public Procurement and the GPA. In particular, the progress made in the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) with regard to the harmonisation of public procurement, which was based on the Model Law, will be used to suggest possible solutions to the problem of harmonising public procurement in the SADC.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. p42
Author(s):  
Li Chunying

Since the reform and opening up policy was adopted, Chinese economy has been keeping on developing with high speed, so as to its international trade. Therefore, English business contracts are widely used in the foreign economic and trade activities. However, we also find that there are still many foreign-related economic disputes which mainly caused by the ambiguity of translation happening in these trades. Due to the unclear rules of the parties’ obligations and rights, the improper translation of the contract, the meaning vague and the loose broad, the parties are tracked in this situation where any part of them could intentionally or unintentionally exploited a contractual loophole to avoid responsibility and obligation, which would lead to a dispute. The distortion of translation can lead to the fuzziness and uncertainty of contract which can be easily exploited by commercial fraud to evade responsibility; this situation is happened in reality and practice which has negative impact on foreign relations and trade. In order to make the business activities carried out more effectively, this article will discuss it mainly from the perspective of lexical characteristics and translation principal of business contract in order to make the translation be more accurate to benefit international business trade.


Politik ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kanar Patruss

This article deals with ISIS’s beheading videos of Western victims from 2014 and inscribes itself into an emerging body of literature on visuality in IR. The paper contends that the image of ISIS beheadings has been mobilized in a Western political discourse that classifies ISIS as evil, and has hereby helped shape the conditions under which international politics operate. The article offers a Nietzsche-inspired critique of the value judgment of evil in the Western discourse and, in extension, seeks to nuance the assessment of ISIS through a ‘re-reading’ of the beheading image. For this purpose, the article proposes to expand Lene Hansen’s concept of inter-iconicity to capture how an icon’s meaning is produced in relation to other icons and, in this light, explores the inter-iconic relations between the image of ISIS beheadings, on the one hand, and the decapitations of the French Revolution and the image of the ‘body politic’, on the other. The inter-iconic reading draws out alternative meanings of the image of ISIS beheadings that counter the classification of ISIS as evil, thereby expanding the conditions for political speech and action regarding ISIS and opening up space for a broader critique of politically motivated violence. 


Author(s):  
Francesca Fauri

AbstractThe possibility of enlarging Italy’s export market was the key factor that made industrialists repeatedly express their consent for a unified market, even in their earliest statements on the matter. The great majority of Italian business declared itself in favour of a united market dependent upon a given set of conditions: gradual abolition of tariffs, leveling of production costs among members, free circulation of workers (as well as of goods and capital) and inclusion in the Treaty of Art.109 on the resumption of tariff controls or measures of safeguard where a sudden crisis in the balance of payments occurs.The policy of Italian business towards EEC integration in those years was the result of a compromise between protectionist sectors (small-medium firms) on the one hand and, on the other, firms belonging to the so-called automobile cycle (Fiat, Pirelli etc.) and the engineering sector, whose growth had been led by export demand and favoured opening up the Italian economy to international competition.Once the Treaty of Rome was signed, there were issues that Italian industrialists did not like. However, on the whole, participation was never called into question and, despite a few skeptical voices, Italian business valued European integration as a unique opportunity to enlarge the market, increase foreign demand and improve competitiveness. The Italian economic miracle had begun to take shape.


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