RECIPROCIDAD Y DERECHOS FUNDAMENTALES: EN ESPECIAL EL DERECHO DE VOTO DE LOS EXTRANJEROS

2009 ◽  
pp. 57-81
Author(s):  
IÑAKI LASAGABASTER HERRARTE
Keyword(s):  
Local Elections ◽  
Democratic Regime ◽  
International Treaty ◽  
Home State ◽  
Democratic Principle ◽  
Factual Question ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The Right

El principio de reciprocidad en el ejercicio del derecho de sufragio de los extranjeros en el ámbito local permite una interpretación diferente a la realizada por el legislador. La exigencia de celebración de un Tratado internacional para reconocer esa reciprocidad realizada por la LOREG carece de sentido. Esa normativa debería derogarse. El principio de reciprocidad puede aplicarse directamente, por ser una cuestión de hecho. De tal forma que la existencia del derecho de sufragio, en el ámbito local, para los titulares de un pasaporte español, en el Estado de acogida, debería permitir a los ciudadanos de ese Estado ejercer el derecho de voto en las elecciones locales, sin necesidad de mediación del legislador. Al interpretarse la reciprocidad como una cuestión de hecho, podría permitir el reconocimiento del derecho de voto a los extranjeros en cuyo Estado de origen no existiese un régimen democrático. Impedir a quien no puede votar en su Estado de origen hacerlo en el de acogida constituiría una interpretación contraria al principio democrático. Toki-administrazioaren mailan atzerritarrek botoa erabiltzeko duten eskubideari dagokion elkarrekikotasun-printzipioak, legegileak egindakoaz besteko interpretazio bat egiteko aukera ematen du. Hauteskunde Araubide Orokorrari buruzko Lege Organikoak elkarrekikotasun-tratatu bat egiteko ezartzen duen be tebeharrak ez du zentzurik. Araudi hori indargabetu egin beharko litzateke. Elkarrekikotasun- printzipioa zuzen-zuzenean aplika daiteke, egitezko kontua baita. Hala bada, toki-administrazioaren mailan Espainiako pasaportea dutenek botoa emateko eskubidea izanik, harrerako Estatuko herritarrek aukera izan beharko lukete toki-hauteskundeetan boto-eskubidea baliatzeko, legegilea bitartekari izan beharrik gabe. Elkarre ki ko ta su na egitezko kontu baten gisa interpretatuz gero, boto-eskubidea aitor tu ahal izango litzaieke jatorrizko Estatuan erregimen demokratikorik ez duten atzerritarrei. Jatorrizko Estatuan botorik eman ezin dutenei harrerako Estatuan aukera hori ematea printzipio demokratikoaren kontrako interpretazioa izango litzateke. The principle of reciprocity in the exercise of the right to vote by foreigners within local entities¿ sphere offers a different interpretation to that of the legislator¿s. The need for the conclusion of a international treaty in order to accept that reciprocity set forth by the Electoral Act does not make sense. These rules should be abolished. The principle of reciprocity should directly be applied because it is a factual question. So that the right to vote, within the local sphere, to the holders of a Spanish passport in the reception State, should allow the citizen from that State to vote to local elections, without the legislative intervention. The interpretation of reciprocity as a factual question might allow to recognize the right to vote to aliens whose home State lacks a democratic regime. Barring the right to vote to someone who lacks that right at his or her home State is against the democratic principle.

scholarly journals Los límites de la participación política en una democracia excepcional: migrantes en Costa Rica

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Luicy Pedroza
Keyword(s):  
Costa Rica ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Emigrants And Immigrants ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Latin American Region ◽  
Support For Democracy ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The Right

In comparison to other countries in the Latin American region, especially in Central America, support for democracy in Costa Rica is high –despite ups and downs in recent years. Still, regarding the challenges that immigration poses for the principles of democratic inclusion and representation, Costa Rica lag behind 11 countries in Latin America –and 35 democracies in the world– where immigrant residents have the right to vote in local elections. In Chile and Uruguay, the only countries in the region where support for democracy tops that observed in Costa Rica, the right to vote of immigrant residents even reaches national elections. With such a comparative background, this article addresses the question: how to explain that this democracy ignores the tendency to give the right to vote to resident migrants? The study reveals a society in which the narrative of exceptionality with respect to other countries of the continent and the formal primacy of nationality to political citizenship, allow tolerating a clear inequality between the political rights of emigrants and immigrants.

scholarly journals Reconocimiento de la titularidad y el ejercicio de los derechos civiles y políticos de los residentes latinoamericanos en España : el derecho al sufragio en elecciones locales

2014 ◽  
pp. 687
Author(s):  
Yolanda Carmela Vaccaro Alexander
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Dual Nationality ◽  
Civil And Political Rights ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The Right ◽  
First Time

Los ciudadanos latinoamericanos que residen en España disfrutan de un marco legal diferenciado respecto de lo que atañe a los residentes procedentes de otras zonas en el marco de los lazos históricos y culturales que unen España y Latinoamérica reflejados en la legislación española. España mantiene suscritos convenios de Doble Nacionalidad con la mayor parte de países latinoamericanos. Y, desde 2009, ha suscrito tratados de reciprocidad en materia de sufragio en elecciones locales con diferentes países, la mayor parte de ellos latinoamericanos, tratados que permitieron que en las elecciones locales celebradas en España el 22 de mayo de 2011 los latinoamericanos concernidos pudieran ejercer el derecho al voto activo en España por primera vez sin necesidad de haberse acogido a los mencionados convenios de Doble Nacionalidad. La encuesta «Ciudadanía inmigrante», analizada en este artículo y realizada para la tesis doctoral «Derechos civiles y políticos de los residentes latinoamericanos en España. El derecho de sufragio», de la doctoranda autora de este artículo, da pautas sobre la percepción de los latinoamericanos residentes en España en torno a los derechos civiles y políticos y sobre su comportamiento respecto de los citados comicios de 2011.Latin American citizens residing in Spain enjoy a distinct legal framework compared to other foreign residents. That difference is based on the historical and cultural relations between Spain and Latin America. Spain has agreements on dual nationality with most Latin American countries. Starting in 2009 Spain has signed several reciprocity agreements about the right to vote in local elections with several countries, most of them in Latin America. On May 22, 2011 many Latin American citizens residing in Spain could exercise their right to vote in the Spanish local elections for the first time without having dual citizenship. The «Immigrant Citizenship» survey, analyzed in this article and developed for the doctoral thesis «Civil and Political Rights of Latin American Residents in Spain. The right to vote», provides guidance on the perception of Latin American living in Spain about civil and political rights and their behavior with respect to said elections.

The Constitutional Basis of Local Democracy

2015 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 809-825
Author(s):  
Franc Grad ◽  
Igor Kaučič
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Local Communities ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Local Democracy ◽  
The People ◽  
Town Meeting ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The Right ◽  
Popular Initiative ◽  
The Town

The Constitution of Slovenia guarantees local government, nevertheless it does not regulate forms of local democracy. Thus, the legislation envisages numerous different ways of citizens' participation, both direct and indirect, in decision-making in local communities. Still the local elections remain the most important way of citizens’ influencing decision making in local communities. The right of the people living in local communities to vote local authorities and to be elected for local offices is certainly the core of modern understanding of local democracy. In Slovenia, both members of municipal council and mayor are directly elected. Right to vote and to be elected have also EU citizens while other foreigners have only right to vote. Among forms of direct participation, the most important ones are the town meeting, referendum, popular initiative and right to petition. They enable the citizens to participate in the processes of deliberation, proposing and formulating decisions, stating preliminary positions with regard to decisions to be made as well as decision-making itself or confirming the solutions adopted.

scholarly journals PERILAKU PEMILIH PEMULA DALAM PILKADA SERENTAK DI Kecamatan Ciomas Kabupaten Serang TAHUN 2015

2016 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Basuki Rahmat ◽  
Esther Esther
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Rational Thought ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Practical Politics ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The Right ◽  
First Time

Act No. 10 of 2008 on general elections to mention that voters are those who are first time to vote and aged 17 years or older or are/have been married have the right to vote in elections (and election).Voters beginners who are just entering the age of suffrage also do not yet have broad political range, todetermine where they should vote. So, sometimes what they choose is not as expected.The reason this is causing voters are very prone to be influenced and approached the materialapproach to the political interests of parties politik. Ketidaktahuan in terms of practical politics,especially with the choices in elections or local elections, voters often do not make rational thought andmore thought­term interests short.New voters are often only used by political parties and politicians to serve political interests, forexample be used for fundraising period and the formation of the party underbow organization.

Japanese Conservatism and the Integration of Foreign Residents

2010 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-264 ◽  
Author(s):  
MICHAEL STRAUSZ
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Japanese Society ◽  
Liberal Democratic Party ◽  
Conventional Wisdom ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The Right ◽  
Permanent Residents

AbstractGranting foreign permanent residents the right to vote in local elections in Japan was one of the Clean Government Party (CGP)'s major policy priorities during its 11 years governing in coalition with the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). While the CGP proposed several bills that would have done this, none of those bills came close to passing. Why not? Conventional wisdom about Japanese conservatism suggests that the LDP would not support such a bill because the party is uniformly committed to the idea that Japan is a one-ethnicity country, and thus the party is hostile to proposals that would grant those without Japanese ethnicity a role in Japanese society. However, I argue that Japanese conservatives in general, and LDP politicians in particular, have major disagreements about the appropriate role of foreign residents in Japanese society. Moreover, I argue that LDP politicians did not support the CGP's proposal to grant foreign permanent residents the right to vote in local elections in Japan because this proposal did not appeal to politicians from either of the dominant conservative schools of thought about foreign residents in Japan.

scholarly journals Elecciones municipales y derecho al voto de los extranjeros no comunitarios: estado de la cuestión y propuestas de reforma. // Municipal elections and the right to vote of non-EU foreigners: status of the question and reform proposals

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (100) ◽  
pp. 81
Author(s):  
Rafael Naranjo de la Cruz
Keyword(s):  
Critical Analysis ◽  
Regulatory Regime ◽  
International Treaty ◽  
Municipal Elections ◽  
Foreign Population ◽  
Legislative Action ◽  
New Approaches ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
New Interpretation ◽  
The Right

Resumen:Este trabajo estudia el estado de la cuestión relativa al derecho al voto de los extranjeros no comunitarios en las elecciones municipales y sugiere nuevos enfoques en relación con las distintas vertientes del tema. Asimismo, propone y analiza los cambios normativos que podrían concretarse a raíz de esa nueva concepción. La cláusula constitucional de reciprocidad no obliga a excluir del derecho a los extranjeros procedentes de países que no cumplen el requisito, sino solo a tomar en consideración su concurrencia a la hora de definir su régimen normativo.Esta interpretación de la cláusula de reciprocidad abre las puertas a una atribución general del derecho fundamental mediante ley, lo que hace necesario estudiar la posible inclusión en ella de cláusulas que limiten su alcance. Finalmente se defiende que no se puede atribuir al legislador un margen de actuación más amplio al regular las condiciones de ejercicio del derecho cuando este es ejercido por un extranjero, lo que sirve para cuestionar la constitucionalidad de la exigencia de inscripción en el censo electoral a instancia de parte.Summary:1. Introduction. 2. The constitutional reciprocity clause. 2.1 Reciprocity as a requirement. 2.2 Towards a new interpretation of the constitutional clause. 3. The problem of the source of law. 3.1 The overcoming of the international treaty as a norm of attribution of the right. 3.2 On the possibility of limiting the scope of legal recognition of the right. 3.2.1 Exclusions on grounds of nationality. 3.2.2 The criterion based on the percentage of resident foreign population. 3.2.3 Theparticular cases of Ceuta and Melilla. 4. Conditions for the exercise of the right to vote of foreigners in municipal elections. 4.1 Limits to legislative action. 4.2 Critical analysis of the requirement of registration in the electoral census by personal application. Abstract:This paper studies the state of the issue regarding the right to vote of non-EU foreigners in municipal elections and suggests new approaches in relation to the different aspects of the issue. It also proposes and analyzes the normative changes that could materialize as a result of this new conception. The constitutional clause of reciprocity does not oblige to exclude from the right foreigners from countries that do not fulfill the requirement, but only to take into account its concurrence when defining their regulatory regime. This interpretation of the reciprocity clause opens the door to a general attribution of the fundamental right by law, which obliges to study the possible inclusionin it of clauses that limit its scope. Finally, it is argued that the legislator cannot be given a broader scope of action when regulating the conditions of exercise of the right when it is exercised by a foreigner, which serves to challenge the constitutionality of the requirement of registration in the electoral census by personal application.

scholarly journals The Norwegian Workers’ Education Association: A Midwife of Labor's Breakthrough in Norway

2016 ◽  
Vol 90 ◽  
pp. 176-185
Author(s):  
Aslak Leesland
Keyword(s):  
Trade Unions ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Political Dominance ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
Education Association ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The Right

Norway in the year 1900 would be more easily recognizable to a person from the global South than to a citizen of present-day Norway. One of Europe's smallest countries, with a population of 2.2 million, it was also one of the poorest. Still a predominantly agrarian country, it suffered from the side effects of early industrialization that other European countries had known for decades. Under pressure from a growing labor movement and an increasingly restive citizenry, the Liberal Party was spearheading reformist social policies and further democratization in Norway, whereas the Conservative Party resisted such reforms. A third party—the Norwegian Labour party—was founded by some local trade unions in 1887, but remained a marginal influence at the turn of the century even if the party won sixteen percent of the votes cast in the election of 1900. However, it was about to begin its meteoric rise from obscurity to political dominance. In 1899 a number of trade unions came together to found a national superstructure—the LO—with 1,500 registered members. This prompted employers to do the same. The Employers’ Association dates back to the year 1900. Next, the right to vote was extended to new groups of voters. Before 1898 only men with an income above a certain minimum could participate in elections, but universal suffrage for men was introduced in 1898. Women were then given the right to vote in local elections in 1910 and in parliamentary elections in 1913. These reforms were introduced by the Liberal Party.

scholarly journals PRINCIPLE OF UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE: INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS AND PROSPECTS OF LEGISLATIVE IMPLEMENTATION IN UKRAINE

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
General Election ◽  
International Standards ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Main Function ◽  
Main Research ◽  
Foreign Countries ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
Domestic Legislation ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The Right

Introduction. The article analyses the content of the principle of universal suffrage in Ukraine, its compliance with international electoral standards, and peculiarities of implementation in foreign countries. It has been found that the term "universal suffrage" refers to subjective suffrage and the term "general election" to elections in general. Therefore, both terms characterize citizens’ participation in elections, but the term "universal suffrage" is a principle of suffrage, and the term "general election" means a certain type of election. The main function of the principle of universal suffrage is to determine the range of carrier (subjects) of the relevant subjective suffrage. Summary of the main research results. Voting rights may be limited because they cannot belong to all persons without exception. The normatively established general qualification requirements for a carrier of the relevant suffrage are called electoral qualifications: subjective suffrage belongs to a subject who meets the requirements of the established electoral qualifications. The basic electoral qualifications which are established by the domestic legislation have been characterized: citizenship qualification, age qualification, legal capacity qualification, residency qualification, and moral qualification. The current trends in most European countries are aimed at expanding the range of subjects of suffrage, i.e. reducing the list of conditions that restrict suffrage. Conclusions. Having examined the content of the principle of universal suffrage in Ukraine, we can conclude that domestic legislation as a whole meets international electoral standards, but some of its provisions need to be improved. In particular, firstly, it has been proposed to amend Article 70 of the Constitution of Ukraine and grant the right to vote in local elections to citizens of other states or stateless persons who permanently reside in Ukraine and belong to a certain territorial community, to deprive the right to vote not only incapacitated citizens but also limited to capable ones; secondly, to set the age limit for deputies of local councils and village, settlement, city mayors at 21 years old, and for people’s deputies of Ukraine at 25 years old; thirdly, to introduce the institution of remote voting; fourthly, to amend Article 103 of the Constitution of Ukraine and to provide that a citizen who has a criminal record for committing an intentional crime cannot be elected president of Ukraine.

THE CONCEPT OF CONSTITUTIONAL AND LEGAL GUARANTEES OF ELECTORAL RIGHTS

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 85-90
Author(s):  
VLADIMIR TROYAN ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Scientific Research ◽  
Formal Aspect ◽  
Universal Approach ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Right

The relevance of the interpretation of constitutional and legal guarantees of the right to vote is mediated by isolated scientific research in this area, as well as the lack of a universal approach to legal guarantees. In this regard, the purpose of the article is to argue and disclose the author’s definitive aspect of the claimed guarantees. In the work, the author named and characterized the normative (based exclusively on legal means) with the perspective of a branch of legal and technical; regulatory and institutional (combines the formal aspect with the activities of authorized entities) and associated legal (including a set of legal and other aspects) approaches to the definition of legal guarantees. Based on the second approach, as well as combining the guarantees of the right to vote directly guarantees of the subjective right itself and guarantees of its implementation, the author offers a definition of constitutional and legal guarantees of the right to vote.

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