Islam di Thailand

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 379-390
Author(s):  
Sanurdi Sanurdi

In the history Islam has existed in Thailand since the 13th century. Muslims have been active in trade and administration in the Thailand kingdom. However, in its development, as a minority, there was conflict due to discrimination and intimidation. In 2000 the percentage of religion in Thailand was Buddhist (95%), Islam (4%), Christian (0.6%), and other religions (0.4%). This paper seeks to examine the existence of Islam and the problems of Muslims as a minority in Thailand. In general, the Muslim population in Thailand is divided into two groups, namely Malay Muslims and Thai Muslims. The majority of Muslims are in the Southern part of Thailand, especially in Pattani area so they are often referred to as Muslim Patani Darussalam or Patani Raya which is closer to Malay. While the Thai Muslims are in the Middle and North that includes the descendants of Iranian Muslims, Champa, Indonesia, India, Pakistan, China, and Malay. Problems faced by Muslims in Thailand are more commonly experienced by Malay Muslims or Pattani in southern Thailand. They are regarded as Khaek (guests or foreigners), a negative prejudice. Malay language and names are prohibited from being used in public institutions, such as schools and government agencies. This resulted in the emergence of Pattani's reaction and resistance to the part of Southern Thailand  to obtain special autonomy, even to separatists. Finally, in early 2004 there were several incidents and riots occurring in Southern Thailand, especially in Narathiwat, Yala, and Pattani. This conflict occurs because the demands of the separatist movement and the government act hard against them in militaristic ways, on the other hand people are also dissatisfied with government discrimination as well as violence actions separatist movement. This is exacerbated and worsened by USA intervention in the conflict under the pretext of fighting Islamic separatist violence.

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 379-390
Author(s):  
Sanurdi Sanurdi

In the history Islam has existed in Thailand since the 13th century. Muslims have been active in trade and administration in the Thailand kingdom. However, in its development, as a minority, there was conflict due to discrimination and intimidation. In 2000 the percentage of religion in Thailand was Buddhist (95%), Islam (4%), Christian (0.6%), and other religions (0.4%). This paper seeks to examine the existence of Islam and the problems of Muslims as a minority in Thailand. In general, the Muslim population in Thailand is divided into two groups, namely Malay Muslims and Thai Muslims. The majority of Muslims are in the Southern part of Thailand, especially in Pattani area so they are often referred to as Muslim Patani Darussalam or Patani Raya which is closer to Malay. While the Thai Muslims are in the Middle and North that includes the descendants of Iranian Muslims, Champa, Indonesia, India, Pakistan, China, and Malay. Problems faced by Muslims in Thailand are more commonly experienced by Malay Muslims or Pattani in southern Thailand. They are regarded as Khaek (guests or foreigners), a negative prejudice. Malay language and names are prohibited from being used in public institutions, such as schools and government agencies. This resulted in the emergence of Pattani's reaction and resistance to the part of Southern Thailand to obtain special autonomy, even to separatists. Finally, in early 2004 there were several incidents and riots occurring in Southern Thailand, especially in Narathiwat, Yala, and Pattani. This conflict occurs because the demands of the separatist movement and the government act hard against them in militaristic ways, on the other hand people are also dissatisfied with government discrimination as well as violence actions separatist movement. This is exacerbated and worsened by USA intervention in the conflict under the pretext of fighting Islamic separatist violence.


Ritið ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-94
Author(s):  
Lára Magnúsardóttir

The article recounts the account from the Árna saga about Loftur Helgason’s trip to Bergen in 1282 and his stay there over winter, explained in terms of the formal sources about the organization of the government and changes in the law in the latter half of the 13th century. These changes were aimed at introducing into Iceland the power of both the King and the Church and in fact marked the actual changes throughout the Norwegian state. Loftur was Skálholt‘s official and the story about him was part of a long-standing dispute about the position of the chieftains versus the new power of the Church and the opposition to its introduction. The article defines the political confusion described in the Árna sagain Bergen in the winter of 1282-1283 as, on the one hand, changes in the constitution and, on the other hand, legislation, and at the same time whether the Kings Hákon Hákonarson and his son Magnús had systematically pursued a policy of having the Church be an independent party to the government of the state from 1247 onward until the death of the latter in 1280. When the disagreement is looked at as continuing, it is seen that Icelanders had made preparations for changes in the constitution with assurances of introduction of the power of the Church beginning in 1253 and the power of the King from 1262, but, on the other hand, the disagreements in both countries disappeared in the 1270s in the face of the conflict of interests that resulted from the laws that followed in the wake of the constiututional changes. Árna saga tell of this and how the disputes were described, but also that their nature changed as King Erikur came to power in 1280, as he gave the power of the King a new policy that was aimed against the power of the Church. Ousting of the archbishop from Norway and the Christian funerals of the excommunicated chieftains are examples of the conditions of government that could not have been, if the King had no longer had executive power over Christian concerns, as he had already conceded power over spiritual issues to the Pope in Rome with the Settlement at Túnsberg in 1277.


Edupedia ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-64
Author(s):  
Agus Supriyadi

Character education is a vital instrument in determining the progress of a nation. Therefore the government needs to build educational institutions in order to produce good human resources that are ready to oversee and deliver the nation at a progressive level. It’s just that in reality, national education is not in line with the ideals of national education because the output is not in tune with moral values on the one hand and the potential for individuals to compete in world intellectual order on the other hand. Therefore, as a solution to these problems is the need for the applicationof character education from an early age.


Author(s):  
Christine Cheng

During the civil war, Liberia’s forestry sector rose to prominence as Charles Taylor traded timber for arms. When the war ended, the UN’s timber sanctions remained in effect, reinforced by the Forestry Development Authority’s (FDA) domestic ban on logging. As Liberians waited for UN timber sanctions to be lifted, a burgeoning domestic timber market developed. This demand was met by artisanal loggers, more commonly referred to as pit sawyers. Out of this illicit economy emerged the Nezoun Group to provide local dispute resolution between the FDA’s tax collectors and ex-combatant pit sawyers. The Nezoun Group posed a dilemma for the government. On the one hand, the regulatory efforts of the Nezoun Group helped the FDA to tax an activity that it had banned. On the other hand, the state’s inability to contain the operations of the Nezoun Group—in open contravention of Liberian laws—highlighted the government’s capacity problems.


1978 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 193-208
Author(s):  
Dennis A. Rubini

William of Orange tried to be as absolute as possible. Inroads upon the power of the executive were fiercely resisted: indeed, William succeeded in keeping even the judiciary in a precarious state of independence. To maintain the prerogative and gain the needed supplies from parliament, he relied upon a mixed whig-tory ministry to direct court efforts. Following the Glorious Revolution, the whigs had divided into two principle groups. One faction led by Robert Harley and Paul Foley became the standard-bearers of the broadly based Country party, maintained the “old whig” traditions, did not seek office during William's reign, tried to hold the line on supply, and led the drive to limit the prerogative. The “junto,” “court,” or “new” whigs, on the other hand, were led by ministers who, while in opposition during the Exclusion crisis, held court office, aggressively sought greater offices, and wished to replace monarchy with oligarchy. They soon joined tory courtiers in opposing many of the Country party attempts to place additional restrictions upon the executive. To defend the prerogative and gain passage for bills of supply, William also developed techniques employed by Charles II. By expanding the concept and power of the Court party, he sought to bring together the executive and legislative branches of government through a large cadre of crown office-holders (placemen) who sat, voted, and directed the votes of others on behalf of the government when matters of importance arose in the Commons. So too, William claimed the right to dissolve parliament and call new elections not on a fixed date, as was to become the American practice, but at the time deemed most propitious over first a three-year and then (after 1716) a seven year period.


1906 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 149-169
Author(s):  
B.D. John Willcock

The idea that at the Restoration the Government of Charles II. wantonly attacked a Church that otherwise would have remained at peace and in the enjoyment of hardly-won liberties is not in accordance with facts. The Church was divided into two warring factions—that of the Remonstrants or Protesters and that of the Resolutioners. The former were the extreme Covenant party and had as their symbol the Remonstrance of the Western army after the Battle of Dunbar, in which they refused to fight any longer in the cause of Charles II. The Resolutioners were the more moderate party, which accepted him as a Covenanted King, and they derived their name from their support of certain Resolutions passed in the Parliament and General Assembly for the admission of Royalists to office under certain conditions. The Protesters—who numbered perhaps about a third of the Presbyterian clergy—claimed, probably not without reason, to be more religious than their opponents. They were very eager to purge the Church of all those whose opinions they regarded as unsatisfactory, and to fill up vacant charges with those who uttered their shibboleths. In their opposition to the King they naturally drew somewhat closely into sympathy with the party of Cromwell, though, with the fatal skill in splitting hairs which has afflicted so many of their nation, they were able to differentiate their political principles from what they called ‘English errors.’ The Resolutioners, on the other hand, adhered steadily to the cause of Charles II., and came under the disfavour of the Government of the Commonwealth for their sympathy with the insurrection under Glencairn and Middleton which had been so troublesome to the English authorities.


2021 ◽  
Vol 50 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Tunde Abioro ◽  

The cycle of individual and communal lives from birth to death is supposedly preserved by the government through institutions. However, political, social, and economic activities are engaged to make ends meet wherein the government is to serve as an unbiased regulator. The activities that play out in Southern Kaduna reflected politics of being on one side with interplay on origin, identity, religion, and locality. On the other hand, it reflects politics of belonging that play on kin, reciprocity, and stranger status. It has thus resulted in violence, suspicion, and persistent conflict. The study examines citizen’s inclusiveness in peacebuilding initiatives and the people’s perception of the sincerity of the government. The research relies on secondary sources where governmental and non-governmental publications and documents from relevant and reliable sources enriched the socio-historical approach, particularly those relating to contestation in the region. The study found out that just like situations in the other northwest states of the country, the crisis exacerbates by the government’s inability to mediate fairly between warring parties to ensure fairness and justice as well as failure to apprehend and punish the culprits, even as recommendations from the various interventions were unimplemented. Thus, the spate of violence continues.


1968 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 264-274
Author(s):  
D.T. Edwards

Two very different cases of small-scale farm development in the Commonwealth Caribbean are reviewed. One is Jamaican small farming, which responded little to considerable efforts made for its improvement by the Government agencies. The other is market gardening at Aranjuez, Trinidad where production grew at an extremely rapid rate in the face of intense and antagonistic competition between the market gardeners and without significant direct assistance by official agencies. The conclusions include a number of possible strategies for farm development, comprising individual or collective persuasion, coercion, creation of new farms, and environmental changes. T. A. (Abstract retrieved from CAB Abstracts by CABI’s permission)


Author(s):  
Ivo de Jesus Ramos ◽  
Luiz Henrique Amaral

ABSTRACTThis research, exploratory nature, aims to identify the current scenario of degrees in Science and Mathematics in Brazil, its weaknesses and offer. The number of vacancies in the IES Degree courses in Science and Mathematics is insufficient to meet demand in teacher training in this area? That was the question that guided the investigation. In this sense, we try to see if there are no vacancies, if there was a reduction in enrollment, evaluate evasion, estimate the annual public spending on vacancies unoccupied in 2011, these degrees. In response to the question presented in this study, the results corroborate the analysis of Tardif and Lessard (2009), with the prospect of an increase in the deficit of teachers. On the other hand, the survey indicated that the financial resources expended by the Government, especially in public institutions, little impact due to the high percentage of evasion, considering the offered vacancies and loss of students during the process. About 920 million reais annually, only in public HEIs, the resources made available for training of science and mathematics teachers do not produce effective results.RESUMOEsta investigação, de natureza exploratória, tem como objetivo identificar o atual cenário das licenciaturas de Ciências e Matemática no Brasil, suas fragilidades e oferta. A oferta de vagas pelas IES nos cursos de Licenciatura em Ciências e Matemática é insuficiente para atender a demanda na formação de professores nessa área? Essa foi a questão que norteou a investigação. Nesse sentido, procuramos verificar se há falta de vagas, se houve redução das matrículas, avaliar a evasão, estimar o gasto público anual com as vagas não ocupadas, em 2011, nessas licenciaturas. Em resposta ao questionamento apresentado nesta pesquisa, os resultados corroboram com a análise de Tardif e Lessard (2009), com a perspectiva de um agravamento no déficit de professores. Por outro lado, a pesquisa apontou que os recursos financeiros despendidos pelo Governo, em especial nas Instituições Públicas, pouco efeito produzem devido ao alto percentual de evasão, considerando-se as vagas ofertadas e perda de alunos durante o processo. Cerca de 920 milhões de reais anuais, apenas nas IES Públicas, dos recursos colocados à disposição para formação de professores de Ciências e Matemática não geram resultado efetivo. Contacto principal: [email protected]


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-114
Author(s):  
Mahadiena Fatmashara ◽  
Muhamad Amirulloh ◽  
Laina Rafianti

ABSTRAKSalah satu instansi pemerintah di Jawa Barat, menggunakan logo yang diciptakan oleh pegawai dari instansi tersebut. Pembuatan logo tidak diperjanjikan khusus, sehingga pencipta tidak mendapatkan royalti (materiil dan ekonomi). Hal tersebut menarik untuk dikaji mengenai Implementasi Prinsip Alter ego yang berkaitan pada hak cipta seseorang yang mengakui pencipta sebagai pemilik hak tertinggi. Pencipta memiliki hak alamiah untuk memanfaatkan ciptaannya dan mempertahankan ciptaannya terhadap gangguan apapun dari pihak lain. Metode penelitian yang digunakan dalam penulisan ini bersifat deskriptif analitis guna memperoleh gambaran peraturan perundang-undangan yang berlaku dikaitkan dengan teori-teori hukum dan praktek pelaksanaan hukum positif. Pendekatan yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah yuridis normatif, dengan cara meneliti bahan pustaka yang disebut data sekunder yang terdiri dari bahan hukum primer, literatur-literatur, artikel-artikel, pendapat dan ajaran para ahli serta implementasinya dalam praktek. Apabila dilihat pada Pasal 35 ayat (1) dan (2) Undang-Undang Nomor 28 Tahun 2014 tentang Hak Cipta tidak terpenuhi. Meskipun instansi pemerintah tidak bertujuan untuk kegiatan komersial. Namun hak moral dan hak ekonomi hakikatnya wajib dilaksanakan sesuai dengan prinsip perlindungan Hak Kekayaan Intelektual. Perlindungan Hukum terhadap pencipta atas logo tetap harus diakui. Kata kunci: alter ego; hak cipta; hak moral; logo; instansi pemerintah. ABSTRACTOne of the government agencies in West Java, using a logo created by employees of the agency. Logo creation is not specifically promised, so creators do not get royalties (material and economic). It is interesting to review the Implementation of Alter ego Principles relating to the copyright of a person who recognizes the creator as the owner of the highest right. The Creator has the natural right to utilize his creation and defend his creation against any interference from the other party.The research methods used in this writing are analytically descriptive to obtain an overview of the prevailing laws and regulations associated with legal theories and the practice of implementing positive laws. The approach used in this study is normative juridical, by examining library materials called secondary data consisting of primary legal materials, literature, articles, opinions, and teachings of experts and their implementation in practice.If viewed in Article 35 paragraph (1) and (2) of Law No. 28 of 2014 on Copyright is not fulfilled. Although government agencies do not aim for commercial activities. But moral rights and economic rights must essentially be implemented in accordance with the principles of intellectual property protection. Legal protection of creators over logos must still be recognized.Keywords: alter ego; copyright; government agencies; logo; moral rights.


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