scholarly journals Primeros resultados de la excavación del castillo medieval de Dos Hermanas (Montemayor, Córdoba)

X ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Javier López Rider ◽  
Santiago Rodero Pérez ◽  
José Manuel Reyes Alcalá

First results of the excavation of the medieval castle of Dos Hermanas (Montemayor, Cordoba)In the south of the kingdom of Córdoba, there is the castle so-called Dos Hermanas, located in the municipality of the current town of Montemayor. It has been considered that the construction of the castle of this stately town was the result of the first moments of decline of the fortress of Dos Hermanas, located on the bank of the Carchena stream. Currently, a first excavation campaign has been carried out that brings us closer to the anthropic occupation of the site. At the same time, the archival research gives new information to the history of the site, exceeding the date of 1340, when Don Martín Alonso de Córdoba partially destroyed the Arab fortress of Dos Hermanas to build the castle of Montemayor. The first data extracted from the field work support the written sources, providing us with new data that allow us to make a more complete and novel interpretation. The survival of part of the facilities of the Dos Hermanas castle with an occupation from Roman times to the sixteenth century that shows the total non-depopulation of the place in the fourteenth century, as previously thought. A high degree of conservation of the structures found inside the wall enclosure appears a southern bay with stables with nine mangers. To the west, there is a vain and an angled staircase that allowed access from the parade ground until the round pass over the main door, which is also preserved. The objective of this proposal will be to present these first results of the archaeological intervention centered on the southern wall of the castle. These research works are accompanied by a consolidation project of the main structures, all financed by the Provincial Delegation of Cordoba and Montemayor Town Hall, whose continuity is developed in 2019 and 2020.

2021 ◽  
pp. 9-24
Author(s):  
A. A. Arsenyev ◽  
D. S. Leontiev ◽  
M. D. Zavatsky ◽  
V. V. Saltykov

This article analyzes the prospects of petroleum potential in Kurgan region. The relevance of the work is due to the high degree of development of the traditional oil and gas recovery areas of Western Siberia, which leads to the need to organize search activities in areas with a low density of hydrocarbon resources. We have analyzed the results of exploratory drilling in the area of the Alabuga river in Kurgan region, and have studied the history of detections of onshore oil occurrences there. Based on the results of the retrospective analysis, the research area was determined, field work was performed to determine the state of search wells in the area, and a collection of geochemical soil and liquid samples was selected. The analysis of the samples revealed that all of them contain methane and its homologues up to and including pentane. The genesis of light methane homologs is related to the processes of catagenesis; their detection on the surface indicates active processes of generation and migration of petroleum hydrocarbons. Based on the analysis of archival materials and estimated ground-based geochemical studies, a conclusion is made about petroleum potential in Kurgan region.


2012 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-53
Author(s):  
Edmund Burke

There is something seriously flawed about models of social change that posit the dominant role of in-built civilizational motors. While “the rise of the West” makes great ideology, it is poor history. Like Jared Diamond, I believe that we need to situate the fate of nations in a long-term ecohistorical context. Unlike Diamond, I believe that the ways (and the sequences) in which things happened mattered deeply to what came next. The Mediterranean is a particularly useful case in this light. No longer a center of progress after the sixteenth century, the decline of the Mediterranean is usually ascribed to its inherent cultural deficiencies. While the specific cultural infirmity varies with the historian (amoral familism, patron/clientalism, and religion are some of the favorites) its civilizationalist presuppositions are clear. In this respect the search for “what went wrong” typifies national histories across the region and prefigures the fate of the Third World.


1967 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
William F. Lye

The accounts of theDifaqanewritten in all the major histories of South Africa are based on three books which were written over fifty years ago: G. W. Stow,The Native Races of South Africa; D. F. Ellenberger and J. C. Macgregor,The History of the Bosuto; and especially the earliest, G. M. Theal,History of South Africa.Certain contradictions exist between the story as told in these accounts and the evidence brought to light by the publication of the journals of Robert Moffat and David Livingstone. The object of this study is to reconstruct the events of the wars from the broadest possible evidence to give a more complete description, and thereby to test the revision implicit in the new information.This revision is required properly to identify the participants in the battles which were observed by Europeans in the western Tswana lands, especially the battle at Dithakong. In the earlier histories all the battles were attributed to the ‘Mantatee’, a name properly applied to one group of Tlokwa ruled at the time by the regentess, MmaNthatisi. Now it is possible to show that these Tlokwa were never in the west, but restricted their migrations to the valley of the Caledon River. Nor can their enemies, the Hlubi of Mpangazita and the Ngwane of Matiwane, be blamed, for they too remained in the east. Rather, the victims of these three bands, the Sotho peoples of the Caledon valley, can be identified as the aggressors among the Tswana beyond the Vaal. Moffat identified the Phuting of Tshane and the Hlakwana of Nkgaraganye. Livingstone demonstrated the role played by Sebetwane and his Fokeng, and Thomas Hodgson implicated Moletsane, the Taung.While many gaps in our information still exist, this reconstruction seems to justify the revision of the accepted account of theDifaqane.


2006 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
David S Landes

In the history of technological development, why didn't other regions keep up with Europe? This is an important question, as one learns almost as much from failure as from success. The one civilization that was in a position to match and even anticipate the European achievement was China. China had two chances: first, to generate a continuing, self-sustaining process of scientific and technological advance on the basis of its indigenous traditions and achievements; and second, to learn from European science and technology once the foreign “barbarians” entered the Chinese domain in the sixteenth century. China failed both times. What explains the first failure? I stress the role of the market: the fact that enterprise was free in Europe while China lacked a free market and institutionalized property rights; that in Europe innovation worked and paid, while the Chinese state was always stepping in to interfere with private enterprise. As for the second failure, China's cultural triumphalism combined with petty downward tyranny made it a singularly bad learner.


Author(s):  
David Lageson

The Buffalo Fork fault is an east-dipping, north-trending reverse\thrust fault which lies along the west side of the Washakie Range in northwestern Wyoming (Love, 1975). This fault was active during the Laramide Orogeny (60-55 million years ago), during which time it uplifted the Ancestral Washakie Range. The purpose of this on-going research project is to determine the displacement vector of the Buffalo Fork fault and to relate this to the regional kinematic pattern of Laramide deformation in northwestern Wyoming. Previous field work by the author (Lageson, 1987) has shown that other Laramide faults in northwestern Wyoming experienced significant components of oblique-slip, depending on their orientation. If a regional pattern of displacement can be determined from several faults, then it may be possible to reconstruct the crustal stress field during the Laramide Orogeny. This study of the Buffalo Fork fault is one step toward this greater goal.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (02) ◽  
pp. 599-605
Author(s):  
CAROLINE WINTERER

After a generation of grand stories about the rise of modern republican thought (the so-called “republican-synthesis” school epitomized by the works of Gordon Wood and J. G. A. Pocock), James Kloppenberg's new book, Toward Democracy: The Struggle for Self-Rule in European and American Thought, offers a history of democratic thought: what Kloppenberg calls “the idea of self-government.” In the course of nearly a thousand pages of text and notes, Kloppenberg traces democracy's emergence “as a widely shared, albeit still controversial, model of government” over the last four centuries in the North Atlantic world (1). The book is deeply learned and intellectually capacious, covering thinkers from the ancient Greeks, through the sixteenth-century wars of religion, through the American and French Revolutions, ending abruptly at the Civil War. Few intellectual historians writing today could have managed a book of such sweep. The number of authors, texts, and themes discussed is vast—so much so that at times it seems that the book could double as a history of thought in the West.


Archaeologia ◽  
1874 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 242-258
Author(s):  
Richard Henry Major

On the 14th of March last I had the honour of laying before this Society some new facts which had fallen under my notice in connection with the early discoveries of the great continental Island of Australia. One of these new facts was the very promising circumstance that there had been found in the Royal Burgundian Library in Brussels, by M. Ruelens, one of the Conservators of the Library, who had obligingly communicated to me the fact, the original autograph report to King Philip III. of a discovery of Australia in 1601 by a Portuguese named Manoel Godinho de Eredia, which discovery I had been the first to make known to the world in a paper read before this Society on the 7th of March, 1861. The report was accompanied by maps and views and portraits, and as at the time of my announcing its discovery to you I had received through M. Ruelens an obliging promise from the Chevalier d'Antas, the Portuguese Minister in Brussels, that an extract should be sent me of that portion with which I was immediately concerned, I begged that the printing of my paper should be postponed until I should possess the opportunity of incorporating into it the translation of the said extract. My reason for appearing before you without waiting till I had examined the Report with my own eyes was, that, while I had no reason to entertain the shadow of a doubt as to the corroborative nature of its contents, I had a still more important announcement to make to you respecting a yet earlier discovery of Australia in the first half of the sixteenth century. Since then I have received the promised extract, and I am sorry to have to report to you that a more unsatisfactory document has never fallen under my notice. But, in order that you may rightly estimate both it and the case to which it refers, it will be necessary that I repeat to you the leading facts and circumstances of the whole story. Up to 1861, the earliest visit to the coasts of Australia known in history in connection with the name of any ship or captain, was that made by the Dutch yacht the “Duyphen,” or “Dove,” about the month of March, 1606. This vessel had been despatched from Bantam on the 18th of November, 1605, to explore the islands of New Guinea. Her course from New Guinea was southward along the islands on the west side of Torres Strait to that part of Terra Australis a little to the west and south of Cape York, but all these lands were thought to be connected and to form the west coast of New Guinea. The Commander of the “Duyphen,” of whose name we are ignorant, was of course unconscious of the importance of his discovery. Indeed, of the discoveries made subsequently by the Dutch on the coasts of Australia, our ancestors of a hundred years ago, and even the Dutch themselves, knew but little. That which was known was preserved in the “Relations de divers Voyages curieux,” of Melchisedeck Thevenot (Paris, 1663-72, fol.); in the “Noord en Oost Tartarye,” of Nicolas Witsen (Amst. 1692-1705, fol.); in Valentyn's “Oud en Nieuw Oost Indien” (Amst. 1724-26, fol.); and in the “Inleidning tot de algemeen Geographie” of Nicolas Struyk (Amst. 1740, 4to.). We have, however, since gained a variety of information, through a document which fell into the possession of Sir Joseph Banks, and was published by Alexander Dalrymple (at that time hydrographer to the Admiralty and the East India Company) in his collection concerning Papua. This curious and interesting document is a copy of the instructions to Commodore Abel Jansz Tasman for his second voyage of discovery. That distinguished commander had already, in 1642, discovered not only the island now named after him, Tasmania, but New Zealand also; and, passing round the east side of Australia, but without seeing it, sailed on his return voyage along the northern shores of New Guinea. In January, 1644, he was despatched on his second voyage, and his instructions, signed by the Governor-General Antonio Van Diemen and the members of the Council, are prefaced by a recital, in chronological order, of the previous discoveries of the Dutch. Prom this recital, combined with a passage from Saris, given in Purchas, vol. i. p. 385, we derive the above information respecting the voyage of the Duyphen, the date of which constituted it the first authenticated discovery of Australia with which a vessel's name could be connected. In 1861, however, I ventured to dispute this priority, and I think I cannot do justice to you and to myself better than by reciting the grounds on which I did so in the very words with which I then addressed you. They are as follows: “Within the last few days I have discovered a MS. Mappemonde in the British Museum, in which on the north-west corner of a country, which I shall presently show beyond all question to be Australia, occurs the following legend: Nuca antara foi descuberta o anno 1601 por mano (sic) el godinho de Evedia (sic) por mandado de (sic) Vico Rey Aives (sic) de Saldaha,” (sic) which I scarcely need translate, Nuca Antara was discovered in the year 1601, by Manoel Godinho de Eredia, by command of the Viceroy Ayres de Saldanha.


2012 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 89-110
Author(s):  
Tina Hamrin-Dahl

Friedrich von Schelling was a significant cultural influence when Henrik Ibsen lived in Germany in the 1850s. However, because of Schelling’s Naturphilosophie, which stood out as irreconcilable with the scientific philosophy of the positivists, Schelling came to be more and more neglected after the mid-nineteenth century. His pronounced idealism, belief in God, and metaphysical comments were branded ‘old-fashioned’ soon after his death. Today, Schelling is mentioned in contexts where ideas about ‘mindfulness’ are of importance. In 1979 a clinic for Mindfulness-Based Stress Reduction (MBSR) was founded and although originally articulated as an element of Buddhism, it is pointed out by committed practitioners that there is nothing inherently religious about mindfulness. It is however about integrating the healing aspects of Buddhist meditation practices with the concept of psychological awareness and healing. To a high degree in Western countries, psychotherapists have adapted and developed mindfulness techniques. When it comes to metaphysics, Schelling’s influence on the religious ideas that were accepted by Ibsen was never acknowledged. This text will throw some light upon Schelling as a source of inspiration for Ibsen and his milieu. Is it so, that Schelling’s ideas not until our ‘post-secular’ epoch have come into their own? Ibsen producers and actors are familiar with ‘New World Mindfulness’ and the history of mindfulness in the West.


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