Orgasm and the West. A history of pleasure from the sixteenth century to the present

2013 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 417-419
Author(s):  
Hadley Z. Renkin
2012 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-53
Author(s):  
Edmund Burke

There is something seriously flawed about models of social change that posit the dominant role of in-built civilizational motors. While “the rise of the West” makes great ideology, it is poor history. Like Jared Diamond, I believe that we need to situate the fate of nations in a long-term ecohistorical context. Unlike Diamond, I believe that the ways (and the sequences) in which things happened mattered deeply to what came next. The Mediterranean is a particularly useful case in this light. No longer a center of progress after the sixteenth century, the decline of the Mediterranean is usually ascribed to its inherent cultural deficiencies. While the specific cultural infirmity varies with the historian (amoral familism, patron/clientalism, and religion are some of the favorites) its civilizationalist presuppositions are clear. In this respect the search for “what went wrong” typifies national histories across the region and prefigures the fate of the Third World.


2006 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
David S Landes

In the history of technological development, why didn't other regions keep up with Europe? This is an important question, as one learns almost as much from failure as from success. The one civilization that was in a position to match and even anticipate the European achievement was China. China had two chances: first, to generate a continuing, self-sustaining process of scientific and technological advance on the basis of its indigenous traditions and achievements; and second, to learn from European science and technology once the foreign “barbarians” entered the Chinese domain in the sixteenth century. China failed both times. What explains the first failure? I stress the role of the market: the fact that enterprise was free in Europe while China lacked a free market and institutionalized property rights; that in Europe innovation worked and paid, while the Chinese state was always stepping in to interfere with private enterprise. As for the second failure, China's cultural triumphalism combined with petty downward tyranny made it a singularly bad learner.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (02) ◽  
pp. 599-605
Author(s):  
CAROLINE WINTERER

After a generation of grand stories about the rise of modern republican thought (the so-called “republican-synthesis” school epitomized by the works of Gordon Wood and J. G. A. Pocock), James Kloppenberg's new book, Toward Democracy: The Struggle for Self-Rule in European and American Thought, offers a history of democratic thought: what Kloppenberg calls “the idea of self-government.” In the course of nearly a thousand pages of text and notes, Kloppenberg traces democracy's emergence “as a widely shared, albeit still controversial, model of government” over the last four centuries in the North Atlantic world (1). The book is deeply learned and intellectually capacious, covering thinkers from the ancient Greeks, through the sixteenth-century wars of religion, through the American and French Revolutions, ending abruptly at the Civil War. Few intellectual historians writing today could have managed a book of such sweep. The number of authors, texts, and themes discussed is vast—so much so that at times it seems that the book could double as a history of thought in the West.


Archaeologia ◽  
1874 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 242-258
Author(s):  
Richard Henry Major

On the 14th of March last I had the honour of laying before this Society some new facts which had fallen under my notice in connection with the early discoveries of the great continental Island of Australia. One of these new facts was the very promising circumstance that there had been found in the Royal Burgundian Library in Brussels, by M. Ruelens, one of the Conservators of the Library, who had obligingly communicated to me the fact, the original autograph report to King Philip III. of a discovery of Australia in 1601 by a Portuguese named Manoel Godinho de Eredia, which discovery I had been the first to make known to the world in a paper read before this Society on the 7th of March, 1861. The report was accompanied by maps and views and portraits, and as at the time of my announcing its discovery to you I had received through M. Ruelens an obliging promise from the Chevalier d'Antas, the Portuguese Minister in Brussels, that an extract should be sent me of that portion with which I was immediately concerned, I begged that the printing of my paper should be postponed until I should possess the opportunity of incorporating into it the translation of the said extract. My reason for appearing before you without waiting till I had examined the Report with my own eyes was, that, while I had no reason to entertain the shadow of a doubt as to the corroborative nature of its contents, I had a still more important announcement to make to you respecting a yet earlier discovery of Australia in the first half of the sixteenth century. Since then I have received the promised extract, and I am sorry to have to report to you that a more unsatisfactory document has never fallen under my notice. But, in order that you may rightly estimate both it and the case to which it refers, it will be necessary that I repeat to you the leading facts and circumstances of the whole story. Up to 1861, the earliest visit to the coasts of Australia known in history in connection with the name of any ship or captain, was that made by the Dutch yacht the “Duyphen,” or “Dove,” about the month of March, 1606. This vessel had been despatched from Bantam on the 18th of November, 1605, to explore the islands of New Guinea. Her course from New Guinea was southward along the islands on the west side of Torres Strait to that part of Terra Australis a little to the west and south of Cape York, but all these lands were thought to be connected and to form the west coast of New Guinea. The Commander of the “Duyphen,” of whose name we are ignorant, was of course unconscious of the importance of his discovery. Indeed, of the discoveries made subsequently by the Dutch on the coasts of Australia, our ancestors of a hundred years ago, and even the Dutch themselves, knew but little. That which was known was preserved in the “Relations de divers Voyages curieux,” of Melchisedeck Thevenot (Paris, 1663-72, fol.); in the “Noord en Oost Tartarye,” of Nicolas Witsen (Amst. 1692-1705, fol.); in Valentyn's “Oud en Nieuw Oost Indien” (Amst. 1724-26, fol.); and in the “Inleidning tot de algemeen Geographie” of Nicolas Struyk (Amst. 1740, 4to.). We have, however, since gained a variety of information, through a document which fell into the possession of Sir Joseph Banks, and was published by Alexander Dalrymple (at that time hydrographer to the Admiralty and the East India Company) in his collection concerning Papua. This curious and interesting document is a copy of the instructions to Commodore Abel Jansz Tasman for his second voyage of discovery. That distinguished commander had already, in 1642, discovered not only the island now named after him, Tasmania, but New Zealand also; and, passing round the east side of Australia, but without seeing it, sailed on his return voyage along the northern shores of New Guinea. In January, 1644, he was despatched on his second voyage, and his instructions, signed by the Governor-General Antonio Van Diemen and the members of the Council, are prefaced by a recital, in chronological order, of the previous discoveries of the Dutch. Prom this recital, combined with a passage from Saris, given in Purchas, vol. i. p. 385, we derive the above information respecting the voyage of the Duyphen, the date of which constituted it the first authenticated discovery of Australia with which a vessel's name could be connected. In 1861, however, I ventured to dispute this priority, and I think I cannot do justice to you and to myself better than by reciting the grounds on which I did so in the very words with which I then addressed you. They are as follows: “Within the last few days I have discovered a MS. Mappemonde in the British Museum, in which on the north-west corner of a country, which I shall presently show beyond all question to be Australia, occurs the following legend: Nuca antara foi descuberta o anno 1601 por mano (sic) el godinho de Evedia (sic) por mandado de (sic) Vico Rey Aives (sic) de Saldaha,” (sic) which I scarcely need translate, Nuca Antara was discovered in the year 1601, by Manoel Godinho de Eredia, by command of the Viceroy Ayres de Saldanha.


X ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Javier López Rider ◽  
Santiago Rodero Pérez ◽  
José Manuel Reyes Alcalá

First results of the excavation of the medieval castle of Dos Hermanas (Montemayor, Cordoba)In the south of the kingdom of Córdoba, there is the castle so-called Dos Hermanas, located in the municipality of the current town of Montemayor. It has been considered that the construction of the castle of this stately town was the result of the first moments of decline of the fortress of Dos Hermanas, located on the bank of the Carchena stream. Currently, a first excavation campaign has been carried out that brings us closer to the anthropic occupation of the site. At the same time, the archival research gives new information to the history of the site, exceeding the date of 1340, when Don Martín Alonso de Córdoba partially destroyed the Arab fortress of Dos Hermanas to build the castle of Montemayor. The first data extracted from the field work support the written sources, providing us with new data that allow us to make a more complete and novel interpretation. The survival of part of the facilities of the Dos Hermanas castle with an occupation from Roman times to the sixteenth century that shows the total non-depopulation of the place in the fourteenth century, as previously thought. A high degree of conservation of the structures found inside the wall enclosure appears a southern bay with stables with nine mangers. To the west, there is a vain and an angled staircase that allowed access from the parade ground until the round pass over the main door, which is also preserved. The objective of this proposal will be to present these first results of the archaeological intervention centered on the southern wall of the castle. These research works are accompanied by a consolidation project of the main structures, all financed by the Provincial Delegation of Cordoba and Montemayor Town Hall, whose continuity is developed in 2019 and 2020.


Author(s):  
Gregory P. A. Levine

Chapter One describes the uncertain beginnings of Zen and Zen art within modern intercultural encounters between Japan and Europe and North America. The representations and perceptions of Zen in the West arising from initial contacts in the sixteenth century and thereafter from the late nineteenth to the early twentieth were not uniform with what we discover from the 1920s and 1930s onward, and certainly not identical to those of the postwar Zen boom. As a genealogical sketch, this history of Zen art before “Zen art,” suggests a sensibility of ambivalence or nascent interest during the mid-to-late nineteenth century leading to one of infatuation in the early twentieth, at which time there emerged a range of geo-political conditions and a group of active Zen campaigners promoting the formation of a specifically differentiated and instrumentalized Zen and Zen art.


2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-21
Author(s):  
Eva M. Pascal

There is a global consensus that various traditions practised throughout parts of Asia can all be linked to one cohesive religion called ‘Buddhism’. However, there is a long history as to how the West came to that consensus. Prior to the Iberian exploration, it was common to divide the religious world into four categories: Christianity, Judaism, Islam and all others under various permutations of superstition, heathenism or paganism. This article explores the rich encounter and exchange between Iberian friars and Buddhist monks, particularly in Siam (modern-day Thailand) that catalysed the identification of a common tradition in Asia thought to be centred on the person of the Buddha. It argues that one important part of the history of the identification of Buddhism as a single and bona fide religion begins with the encounter in the sixteenth century of Spanish friars with Buddhism. The social and political strength of institutional Buddhism in Siam, coupled with recognition of similar religious life and appreciation of ascetic values between monks and friars, triggers the identification by the friars of a distinct religion across Asia. The friars made the case that they were witnessing people with their own religion, distinguishable from undifferentiated superstition or idolatry. The consensus of the friars introduced an ideational core for the idea of Buddhism, based on one founder common to traditions in East and South-east Asia. These arguments set a foundation for Buddhism as a religion thought to closely mirror Christianity.


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