Reconciling Conflicting Interests: The Roles of Nation States and the International Community

This study has produced several insights into the pitfalls of intervening in the affairs of distressed nation states as well as providing a degree of specificity regarding latent variables that exist within the real world scenarios this study is based upon. While extremely simple in design, the agent based model utilized in this study proved to mirror the complex and fluid nature of complex humanitarian operations undertaken by the international community in troubled nations. The scenario utilized was based upon a specific country backdrop, Afghanistan, and utilized some case specifics of that operation to provide a reality based fidelity. The model itself however, is general in nature and can be readily adjusted to examine variables congruent with differing circumstances.


1997 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-68
Author(s):  
Harold K. Jacobson

The creation and proliferation of international organizations of various sorts, increasing economic interdependence, the spread of democracy. and the strong leadership played by the United States all worked positively together to facilitate international cooperation during the second half of the twentieth century, overcoming to a great extent the familiar problem of 'cooperation under anarchy. 'But humankind is confronting new challenges as well, arising from the shift in power relations among nation-states and the rise of new issues that call for global. attention. One of the most prominent issues is the protection of environment. It is unclear how easily the formulas that have proved to be so successful in bringing about international cooperation in the twentieth century can be applied to the new challenges. If a series of organised responses to the issue of climate change as shown in the completion and implementation of the Framework Convention on Climate Change (FCCC) is any indication, however, the international. community seems to have successfully begun to confront them. The relative promptness of action taken by the international community. the manner in which the issue is negotiated where the principle of equity was directly addressed, the comprehensiveness of the Treaty's scope, and responsible behaviour of the states of the world, all point to broad optimism about international cooperation in the twenty-first century.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (12) ◽  
pp. 484
Author(s):  
Nora Naji ◽  
Darja Schildknecht

This article explores the notion of the Gefährder, the German term for a ‘potentially threatening individual’, in the context of the latest expansion of both the spaces of prevention and preemption, particularly through the new anti-terror law (PMT) in Switzerland that drew widespread criticism from the international community for its wide judicial reach and vague terminology around terrorist activities, thereby breaching a series of international legal norms and treaties. The term Gefährder represents a historical and political assemblage that exists across space and time in various iterations based on the colonial and racialized Other. This article argues that the latest prototype emerging out of the current Swiss counterterrorism architecture has unique qualities. The Gefährder serves as a bio- and ontopolitical governance tool, through its bodily and affective qualities, that exerts Swiss state control, and reaffirms Swiss national identity and national conservative underpinnings to preserve a particular kind of Swiss futurity. This research aspires to contribute to a body of research on counterterrorism regimes and its affective and bodily subjects in post-imperial nation-states.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-4 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristin Skare Orgeret ◽  
William Tayeebwa

The introductory chapter to the thematic issue, entitled “Rethinking Safety of Journalists,” shows how promoting the safety of journalists is closely related to press freedom. It presents the articles of the thematic issue and highlights how the safety of journalists is no longer a concern of individuals or individual nation states only, but is now also a global concern, whereby the international community is obliged to come to the defense of journalists’ safety.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Arthur

The last two decades have seen African countries adopt a new security approach through the activities of regional economic communities (RECs) and the African Union’s (AU) African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). This article argues that despite progress in conflict prevention and the promotion of peace, defence and security through the APSA and RECs, challenges do remain. In particular, factors such as financial costs involved, the inadequate funds available for peace and security missions, conflicting interests and lack of agreement, poor co- ordination and inadequate human and logistics capacity have constrained the ability of African countries to achieve their peace and security agenda. Thus, for peace and security efforts being undertaken by the AU and RECs to be effective, the actors involved should have not only the requisite capacity but also political will and commitment, and cooperation among members and with the international community should remain crucial to the process.


2005 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-246
Author(s):  
Matteo Fornari

AbstractThe issue of the regulation of navigation through Turkish straits proved to be one of the most sensitive and thorny question of international law of the sea in the last years. Transit through theses waters is regulated by a 1936 Convention—"a long-standing" convention according to the article 35, lett. c, of UNCLOS—that is more concerned with the passage regime of warships rather than the transit of commercial vessels. In the last decades, the Montreux Convention has showed its inadequacy in regulating this latter kind navigation: the free-passage principle, by day and night without obstacles, could be considered well grounded time ago, when essentially vessels carrying cereal went through these waters. But nowadays it seems hazardous, for marine environment and security of populations, allowing free and unimpeded transit of fifteen tankers a day. It follows that the problem is how can Turkey, the only coastal State of the Straits (and international community) prevent in the future accidents or collisions between ships carrying oil, chemical or radioactive substances, endangering seriously the regional ecosystem?


Author(s):  
Philip G. Roeder

National Secession asks which projects for new nation-states give rise to campaigns that cause discord—and sometimes mayhem—in the politics of existing states. This has been explained by identities, grievances, greed, and tactical-logistical opportunities. Yet, under the strategic constraints faced by most national-secession campaigns, the essential element in almost all campaigns is the ability of the campaign’s program to coordinate expectations within a platform population on a common goal so that independence becomes the only viable option. In their strategy of programmatic coordination, which has guided the most important national-secession campaigns, the critical task of campaign leaders is propagating an authentic and realistic nation-state project. This explains which campaigns are most likely to draw attention in the capitals of the great powers that control admission to the international community, bring their disputes with their central governments to an intractable deadlock, and engage in protracted intense struggles to convince the international community that independence is the only viable option.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 256
Author(s):  
Alireza Karimi ◽  
A. Koosha ◽  
M. Najafi Asfad ◽  
M. T. Ansari

With the end of the civil war and fading of military and ideological competitions of the superpowers and drastic changes in the international system, maintaining peace and security has been closely associated with the political, social economic and cultural structures of states and their behavior in observing the criteria of human rights. The Security Council as an organ, established for keeping Peace and Security has experienced great opposition to the sovereignty of states by using human rights rules as an alibi, and even has paved the way for military intervention. Normally, material breach of the human rights criteria and fundamental liberties can endanger the international peace and security. In this type of situations, the issue can be discussed in the Security Council with the request of the general assembly and the general secretary. IF the Security Council confirms a threat consequent to the material violation of human rights rules, it can enforce the required actions, regarding its obligations and authorities. The intervention of the Security Council as a representative of the international community with regard to taking decisions for humanitarian intervention in the context of the responsibility to protect and denying the absolute sovereignty of states on one hand and encouraging the states to guarantee the observance of civil rights of people and enabling them in the field of public welfare and even military intervention and protecting nations against tragedies such as genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes, on the other hand are significant challenges. Although the responsibility to protect is practiced in the direction of legitimate intervention in the domestic affairs of sovereign nation – states with the objective of protecting humanitarian rules, actually after 2001, the chances for humanitarian measures have been decreased. In this article, we will examine this issue that from the beginning of the third millennium what effects, the concept of responsibility to protect has had by limiting the sovereignty of states and redefining it, aligned with the humanitarian intervention by the Security Council?


2013 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 169-190 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Meernik

The International Criminal Court (ICC) has the legal power to issue arrest warrants, but not the political power to arrest. Rather, it must rely on other national and international actors to enforce these requests. All the actors—the ICC, the suspected war criminals, and the key state actors—in these high stakes dramas involving the apprehension of suspected war criminals have distinct interests that guide their actions. Typically, as I argue, these contending interests lead to political disputes. I will argue that the principal interest of the International Criminal Court is justice; the principal interest of the actors indicted by the ICC is power; and the principal interests of international actors are peace and justice. Further, I contend that the ability of the ICC to gain custody of suspects will be determined by its ability to induce the international community to privilege justice over peace.


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