Ontstaan en betekenis van transnationale kaderovereenkomsten

2011 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kees Vos

Origin and meaning of transnational framework agreements Origin and meaning of transnational framework agreements In recent years the number of transnational framework agreements (international and European framework agreements) has grown rapidly. In many respects it can be considered as a reaction to existing, voluntary codes of conduct. The question to be addressed in this article concerns the impact of this kind of agreements. Are they – as is sometimes expected – a sign of an emerging global industrial relations framework or of international collective bargaining? It is concluded here that global industrial relations are still a very distinct utopia, but framework agreements can be considered as a first step in the direction of a global arrangement.

2021 ◽  
pp. 102425892199500
Author(s):  
Maria da Paz Campos Lima ◽  
Diogo Martins ◽  
Ana Cristina Costa ◽  
António Velez

Internal devaluation policies imposed in southern European countries since 2010 have weakened labour market institutions and intensified wage inequality and the falling wage share. The debate in the wake of the financial and economic crisis raised concerns about slow wage growth and persistent economic inequality. This article attempts to shed light on this debate, scrutinising the case of Portugal in the period 2010–2017. Mapping the broad developments at the national level, the article examines four sectors, looking in particular at the impact of minimum wages and collective bargaining on wage trends vis-à-vis wage inequality and wage share trajectories. We conclude that both minimum wage increases and the slight recovery of collective bargaining had a positive effect on wage outcomes and were important in reducing wage inequality. The extent of this reduction was limited, however, by uneven sectoral recovery dynamics and the persistent effects of precarious work, combined with critical liberalisation reforms.


2005 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-32
Author(s):  
Noël A. Hall

The present system of collective bargaining is more an exercise in the use of coercive economic and political power by labour and management than a process of rational, logical argument and existing conciliation procedures have proven inadequate in reflecting the public interest in dispute settlement. What then is the impact of B.C. Bill 33 ?


1970 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Raymond Harbridge ◽  
Stuart McCaw

The on-going saga of the G.N. Hale redundancy dispute appears now to have run its course. From grievance committee, to the Labour Court, to the Court of Appeal, and back to the Labour Court, the case has attracted considerable attention - from the media and naturally from industrial relations practitioners, eager to learn the view of the New Zealand court system on the vexed matter of redundancy compensation. In the most recent Labour Coun decision on Hale (WLC89/90), Goddard C J held that while the employer was able to prove that the worker was genuinely made redundant the dismissal was unjustifiable because "the circumstances called for the payment of compensation; none was paid; and the amount that was offered and refused was fixed by unilateral decision of the employer and was inadequate". The effect of this decision is profound. Employers planning to make employees redundant have a new set of requirements to meet before their actions can be taken as justifiable. While it will remain the case that there is no right to compensation for a dismissal on the grounds of redundancy unless that right is conferred by a redundancy agreement or by an award or collective agreement, there may still be a right to compensation if the dismissal, although genuinely on the grounds of redundancy, is unjustifiable and thereby gives rise to a successful personal grievance. An employer will now need to focus on the circumstances of the redundancy to detetuaine whether it calls for compensation and where it does, the employer will need to offer, and have accepted, compensation that is both adequate and negotiated.


2003 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael T. Rock

The anti-sweatshop movement burst in the American public's consciousness in the 1990s. By the late 1990s, an eclectic group of 43 American NGOs and a growing number of international organizations were engaged in the movement. But, as yet, there are no rigorous empirical studies of the impact of anti-sweatshop actions on those firms accused of relying on sweated labor. This paper addresses this lacuna by using the event study technique to empirically assess the impact of public disclosure of firms' sweatshop practices on their stock prices. The paper finds that public disclosure does indeed cause firms' stock prices to fall, sometimes substantially. This, no doubt, explains the rush by these firms to voluntary codes of conduct. The paper also shows that stock prices have reacted positively (and substantially) to the actions taken by one firm, Reebok, to adopt anti-sweatshop practices. These findings appear to confirm the wisdom of the public disclosure strategies used by the movement to get firms to change behavior. But because of the potential for voluntary codes of conduct to result in opportunistic behavior, the paper concludes by arguing that public disclosure will only really work if carried out by independent third party auditors.


2019 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 471-491
Author(s):  
Siqi Luo ◽  
Tao Yang

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to illustrate that some enterprise unions in South China, as strategic labor actors, made local progress in collective bargaining, but further elaborates on why gainful bargaining would require a more systematic understanding of the prevailing industrial structure. Design/methodology/approach This paper is mainly drawn from intensive site visits and 51 in-depth interviews in 2013 and 2014, and several follow-ups up to 2018. Three cases of collective bargaining, featuring different union strategies of assertive negotiation, informal cooperation and direct confrontation, are discussed in detail. Findings The study illustrates that viable collective bargaining with worker-supported unions is possible in China. However, the effectiveness of bargaining does not count on this alone; the supply chain structure also imposes significant constraints, mainly by narrowing the bargaining scope of each supplier and differentiating the structural power of their unions. In these cases, institutionalized union coordination beyond individual suppliers is proposed. Research limitations/implications These cases began as post-strike bargaining in Japanese auto supply chains and became the frontier of industrial relations in China. The impact of the supply chain in different sectors or regions requires further study. Originality/value This paper draws attention to the effect of an “invisible” but increasingly significant factor, industrial structure, on enterprise-level collective bargaining in China, unlike many previous criticisms of unwillingness or incompetence among labor actors.


1988 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Larry G. Gerber

Historians and social scientists have often described modern America as a uniquely pluralist society in which a collective bargaining model of industrial relations won an early triumph over other conceptions of labor relations. Professor Gerber challenges this traditional view. Comparing American and British thinking and policies relating to labor relations during and just after the First World War, Professor Gerber concludes that, in large part because of the war's impact, corporatist conceptions of political economy had by 1920 achieved a wide appeal in both Britain and America. Though a pluralist conception of collective bargaining may later have become dominant in the United States, at least as of 1920 many parallels existed between the emerging “corporatist bias” of British thinking about labor relations and American thinking about this issue.


2005 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Grahl ◽  
Paul Teague

After virtually two decades on the side lines, European level collective bargaining is back on the industrial relations agenda. To a large extent, the resurgence ofthis notion can be attributed to the impact of the EC's 1992 programme on European economic and political life. This article examines whether any significant changes or new developments will result from this increase in interest in European collective bargaining. The article suggests that there are two main dimensions to European level collective bargaining: the vertical dimension which covers attempts to get greater collaboration and dialogue between European trade unions and employers inside the institutional framework of the European Community; the horizontal dimension which includes developments at the enterprise and market levels aimed at promoting trade union /employer contact outside the confines of the nation state.


1999 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 52-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wolfgang Schroeder ◽  
Rainer Weinert

The approach of the new millennium appears to signal the demiseof traditional models of social organization. The political core ofthis process of change—the restructuring of the welfare state—andthe related crisis of the industrywide collective bargaining agreementhave been subjects of much debate. For some years now inspecialist literature, this debate has been conducted between theproponents of a neo-liberal (minimally regulated) welfare state andthe supporters of a social democratic model (highly regulated). Thealternatives are variously expressed as “exit vs. voice,” “comparativeausterity vs. progressive competitiveness,” or “deregulation vs.cooperative re-regulation.”


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