Klimaatverandering als journalistieke uitdaging: een literatuurstudie

2012 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard van der Wurff

Climate change as a challenge for journalism: a review of the literature Climate change as a challenge for journalism: a review of the literature This literature review synthesizes 35 years of research on climate change reporting in industrialized countries. It focuses on the production and content of climate change news. Starting from the notion of the mediatisation of politics, the study shows that news values and media logic shape the selection of climate change related newsworthy events, while political actors and their logics determine the political framing of the issue. Next, implications for public opinion and mediated public debate are briefly assessed. Overall, the findings suggest that reporting focuses on threats and conflicts, favours national rather than transnational angles, reinforces ideological cleavages, downplays deliberative arguments, and disengages citizens. In conclusion, four lines of research are proposed that can help us better understand the role media might play in engaging citizens in a more deliberative mediated debate on climate change as important ecological and political challenge.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lea Rahman

Climate change is not just one of the main problems of this century, it rather is a matter of justice: It was particularly caused by western industrialized countries and now hits all states bit by bit – regardless of the question of guilt. The author studies how states struggle for solutions and binding rules at the annual Climate Change conferences and which of the proposals have prevailed. Using approaches of the postcolonial theory, she examines which power relations that are tracing back to colonialism still exist at the political, economic and epistemic level.


Author(s):  
Jens Wolling ◽  
Dorothee Arlt

The annual climate summits (Conferences of the Parties, or COPs) are major political events that receive considerable media attention. In this way, the topic of climate change returns regularly to both the media and the political agenda. It makes sense, therefore, that communication research regards COPs as occasion to investigating how the media cover climate change. Nevertheless, this strategy has two shortcomings: On the one hand the focus on the conferences might provide a distorted picture—because of the political character of the conferences, the role of political actors and policy-related frames might be overestimated. On the other hand, the political character of the conferences is not always considered appropriately. Most research is mainly interested in the coverage on climate change in the context of the conferences and not in the political discussions taking place at the summits. Future research should address these discussions more intensively, giving more attention especially to the debates in the various online media.


Author(s):  
Alejandra Tirado-García ◽  
Hugo Doménech-Fabregat

In recent years, Instagram as a social network for photo exchange has become an important channel in the communication strategies of political actors at both the national and international level. This article studies Instagram from a differential perspective from previous studies by analyzing the strategic management of the photo-text binomial on this social network within the context of political communication. The methodological design of this research consists of a quantitative approach based on content analysis. Relying on a model of analysis developed by us, we revised three categories associated with the central parameters of the photographic image, the text, and their interrelationship during the campaign for the Spanish election of 28 April (dated between the 12 and 26 April 2019, both inclusive). The selection of this period is due to the belief that this is a key moment in the political sphere because it invoked great social interest and information consumption and, consequently, greater concern from the parties about the strategic communication of their political actions. The sample comprised 314 posts published by the five main Spanish parties and their respective leaders, candidates for the Government’s Presidency. The results reveal that complementarity dominates as the main form of interaction between the two components (image and text), albeit with a significant presence of problematic interaction types such as redundancy or independence. Despite the progressive professionalization of the political use of social networks, it was found that the potentially effective use of the verbal–icon tandem is not currently applied on Instagram as a strategic approach for political communication. Resumen En los últimos años la red social de intercambio fotográfico Instagram se ha convertido en un importante canal en las estrategias de comunicación de los actores políticos tanto del panorama nacional como internacional. Este artículo se aproxima al estudio de Instagram desde una perspectiva diferente con respecto a lo estudiado hasta la fecha: analizar la gestión estratégica del binomio imagen fotográfica-texto en esta red social en el contexto de la comunicación política. El diseño metodológico consta de una aproximación de naturaleza cuantitativa basada en el análisis de contenido. A partir de un modelo de análisis de elaboración propia, se han revisado tres categorías asociadas a los parámetros centrales de la imagen fotográfica, el texto y su interrelación durante la campaña electoral española del 28A (del 12 al 26 de abril de 2019, ambos inclusive). La selección de este período temporal se debe a que se trata de un momento que resulta clave en la esfera política al despertar un gran interés social y consumo informativo entre los ciudadanos y, en consecuencia, una mayor preocupación de los partidos por la comunicación estratégica de su acción política. Integran la muestra 314 posts publicados por los cinco principales partidos españoles y sus respectivos líderes, candidatos a la presidencia del Gobierno. Los resultados muestran que la complementariedad domina como principal forma de interacción entre ambos componentes (imagen-texto), si bien existe una presencia significativa de tipos de interacción problemáticos como la redundancia o la independencia. Pese a la progresiva profesionalización del uso político de la red social, se detecta que no se consigue un aprovechamiento potencialmente efectivo del tándem icono verbal en el uso de Instagram como vértice estratégico de comunicación política.


Author(s):  
Florian Weiler

This article investigates the political communication behaviour of interest groups. First, by proposing indices to capture the degree to which mass media have become central for political communication (media logic of communication), and the degree to which conventional strategies aimed at politicians directly govern groups’ communication behaviour (political logic of communication). Based on these two indices, the article then proposes an overall index of mediatisation. Second, the article tests three hypotheses regarding the use of the media logic, the political logic, and the mediatisation of interest groups, and finds that group type, resources, and the level of competition all play a role for how strongly interest groups are mediatized. Thus, this article contributes to the scarce empirical research on mediatisation by a) proposing a way to operationalise this concept which can be adjusted using a different set of variables, but can also be applied for different political actors, and b) by showing the usefulness of the constructed indices in an empirical example for Swiss and German interest groups.


Author(s):  
Kristoffer Ekberg ◽  
Martin Hultman

This paper studies early arguments in Sweden for combating climate change. We show how scientific results in relation to climate change entered the political sphere as part of the debate on energy in the 1970s, a process we propose to name energysation. We argue that the use of climate science by pro-nuclear political actors served as a way of maintaining a course set by a high-energy society while simultaneously trying to outmanoeuvre the growing environmental anti-nuclear and low-energy movement. When the pro-nuclear power side met with resistance, this led to a displacement of climate change knowledge away from the realm of the national political sphere and specific energy forms, a process we conceptualise as de-energysation. By highlighting conflicts and the political framings of climate change in the early years 1974–1983, we suggest that the history of these frames influences current delay in climate change mitigation and limits the range of actions and ways of addressing the ongoing climate emergency.


2011 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michelle Reyers ◽  
Daan Gouws ◽  
James Blignaut

 AbstractThis study investigates factors driving investment in voluntary climate change mitigation among a selection of listed corporations in South Africa. Based on a review of the literature, a proposed conceptual framework is developed and empirically tested using case studies. A qualitative analysis of the data reveals three key motivational drivers: legitimacy, the financial business case and moral responsibility. In addition, a number of sub-drivers are identified which provide insights for engagement with companies in developing South Africa’s response to climate change.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rolf Klein

What happens in highly developed industrialized countries to broad strata of population – the bottom 90 percent – if the states see themselves as participants in a global competition? What does this mean concerning the political influence of citizens? Is it possible to give answers to climate change, digitalisation, the drifting apart of society without weakening our position within global competition? What is it about the image of “location competition”? Based on economic insights a political tendentious term is disenchanted. As a result of the analysis is to be realized: Potent states are capable of a much greater scope of design than is generally assumed. But Germany and the European Union act way below their best.


2020 ◽  
Vol 45 (s1) ◽  
pp. 603-623
Author(s):  
Mojca Pajnik ◽  
Marko Ribać ◽  
Peter Sekloča

AbstractWe suggest the “sensitizing concept of mediatization” as an analytical tool to analyze public communication of social movements in times of social, economic and political crisis, and we apply the tool to explore the case of the Slovenian uprisings of 2012–13. First, theoretically, we couple Tilly’s understanding of social movements’ practices with Hjarvard’s distinction between “direct” and “indirect” forms of mediatization. Second, in the empirical part, we categorize and classify movement organizations, activist initiatives and political groups into two distinct groups and observe how they respond to the media logic of newsworthiness and the political logic of office-seeking during the contentious actions of mass mobilization. We observe asymmetrical responses to processes of mediatization, which vary according to organizational structure, practices and movements’ vision of social transformation. The article shows how different protest groups respond to the three media logic techniques: a) personalization of political actors, b) decontextualization and simplification of transformative potential that are inherent to protest cycles, and how the two mobilized groups interact with the journalistic focus on c) spectacle and images of violence. We argue that the more the specific movement/group expresses criticism over the interplay of the media and the political logic, marked by the three discursive modes mentioned, the less it adopts the dominant media logic and the more it seeks for alternative and innovative media action.


Author(s):  
Malcolm Petrie

Concentrating upon the years between the 1924 and 1929 general elections, which separated the first and second minority Labour governments, this chapter traces the rise of a modernised, national vision of Labour politics in Scotland. It considers first the reworking of understandings of sovereignty within the Labour movement, as the autonomy enjoyed by provincial trades councils was circumscribed, and notions of Labour as a confederation of working-class bodies, which could in places include the Communist Party, were replaced by a more hierarchical, national model. The electoral consequences of this shift are then considered, as greater central control was exercised over the selection of parliamentary candidates and the conduct of election campaigns. This chapter presents a study of the changing horizons of the political left in inter-war Scotland, analysing the declining importance of locality in the construction of radical political identities.


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