“Unlike Men, The Diamonds Linger:” Bassey and Bond Beyond the Theme Song

Author(s):  
Meenasarani Linde Murugan

This chapter directs attention to Shirley Bassey’s voice as both constituting and contesting the white male gaze of the James Bond franchise. I consider Bassey in relation to the politics of race and gender as she sonically invokes a long tradition of racial mimicry by both black and white women singers. Bassey furthers this tradition in that her influence can be traced beyond her various theme songs for the Bond films in the more recent performances by white artists. As Bassey’s Welsh and mixed-race identity gives a different contour to our understanding of what and who constitutes “Britishness,” her synecdochal relationship to the James Bond film series also allows us to reconsider the possibilities for black women’s voices in cinema.

2020 ◽  
pp. 136843021989948
Author(s):  
Roxie Chuang ◽  
Clara Wilkins ◽  
Mingxuan Tan ◽  
Caroline Mead

Four studies examined racial minorities’ attitudes toward interracial couples. Overall, Asian and Black Americans indicated lower warmth towards interracial than same-race couples. We hypothesized that perceived competition for same-race partners would predict attitudes toward particular pairings. Consistent with predictions, attitudes towards interracial couples varied based on the societal prevalence of particular types of couples. Black American women (but not men) indicated more negative attitudes toward the more common Black male–White female pairing than toward White male–Black female couples. Asian American men (but not women) reported more negative attitudes toward White male–Asian female couples than toward Asian male–White female couples. Furthermore, perceived competition with White men predicted Asian American men’s attitudes toward White male–Asian female couples. Perceived competition with White women drove Black women’s attitudes toward Black male–White female couples. This research highlights the importance of adopting an intersectional approach (examining both race and gender) to understand attitudes toward interracial couples.


2020 ◽  
pp. 106591292097179
Author(s):  
Yalidy Matos ◽  
Stacey Greene ◽  
Kira Sanbonmatsu

Scholars frequently invoke the term “women of color” (WOC) in their research, and, increasingly, the media make reference to WOC in news stories. Despite this common usage, researchers have failed to investigate whether the phrase WOC is politically advantageous. That is, do all women, black, Latina, Asian, white, and mixed-race women, support WOC candidates? This omission is unfortunate considering the large body of literature about race and gender politics concerned with descriptive representation and the extent of coethnic voting and gender affinity effects. Using original public opinion data, we draw on theories of intersectionality and social identity to hypothesize about how different subgroups of women respond to the prospect of electing more WOC to Congress. Consistent with group differences in the historic processes of racialization, our findings reveal considerable complexity within the WOC umbrella. Even within this complexity, we found that black and white women are the most distinctive in their preference for electing WOC. We contribute to the gender and race fields by identifying WOC as a politicized identity, and thus complicate and expand the study of descriptive representation.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Motonori Yamaguchi ◽  
Geoffrey Beattie

The present study investigated how task-irrelevant attributes of a stimulus affected responses in a multi-attribute version of the Implicit Association Test (IAT). In Experiment 1, participants categorized images of Black and White male and female individuals on the basis of either race or gender. Both the race and gender of the individuals affected task performance regardless of which attribute was currently relevant to performing the task, yielding the IAT effects on both attributes. However, the influences of a task-irrelevant attribute depended on whether the task-relevant attribute was categorized compatibly or incompatibly with the underlying implicit biases. These results suggest that individuals are still categorized implicitly based on task-irrelevant social attributes and that the explicit categorization required in the standard IAT has a considerable impact on implicit social biases. Experiment 2 considered a third, non-social attribute (the color of the picture frame) and reproduced task-irrelevant IAT effects and their dependence on explicit categorization. However, Experiments 3 and 4 suggested that the task-irrelevant IAT effects based on social attributes are determined by whether the task-relevant attribute is a social or non-social attribute. The results raise fundamental questions about the basic assumptions underpinning the interpretations of the results from the IAT.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 1068-1087
Author(s):  
Regina Bateson

Why are women and people of color under-represented in U.S. politics? I offer a new explanation: strategic discrimination. Strategic discrimination occurs when an individual hesitates to support a candidate out of concern that others will object to the candidate’s identity. In a series of three experiments, I find that strategic discrimination exists, it matters for real-world politics, and it can be hard to overcome. The first experiment shows that Americans consider white male candidates more electable than equally qualified Black and white women, and to a lesser extent, Black men. These results are strongly intersectional, with Black women rated less electable than either Black men or white women. The second experiment demonstrates that anti-Trump voters weigh Democratic candidates’ racial and gender identities when deciding who is most capable of beating Donald Trump in 2020. The third experiment finds that while some messages intended to combat strategic discrimination have no effect, diverse candidates can increase their perceived electability by showing that they have a path to victory. I conclude by arguing that strategic discrimination is especially salient in contemporary U.S. politics due to three parallel trends: increasing diversity among candidates, growing awareness of sexism and racism, and high levels of political polarization.


Author(s):  
Wakoh Shannon Hickey

Mindfulness is widely claimed to improve health and performance, and historians typically say that efforts to promote meditation and yoga therapeutically began in the 1970s. In fact, they began much earlier, and that early history offers important lessons for the present and future. This book traces the history of mind-body medicine from eighteenth-century Mesmerism to the current Mindfulness boom and reveals how religion, race, and gender have shaped events. Many of the first Americans to advocate meditation for healing were women leaders of the Mind Cure movement, which emerged in the late nineteenth century. They believed that by transforming their consciousness, they could also transform oppressive circumstances in which they lived, and some were activists for social reform. Trained by Buddhist and Hindu missionaries, these women promoted meditation through personal networks, religious communities, and publications. Some influenced important African American religious movements, as well. For women and black men, Mind Cure meant not just happiness but liberation in concrete political, economic, and legal terms. The Mind Cure movement exerted enormous pressure on mainstream American religion and medicine, and in response, white, male doctors and clergy with elite academic credentials appropriated some of its methods and channeled them into scientific psychology and medicine. As mental therapeutics became medicalized, individualized, and then commodified, the religious roots of meditation, like the social justice agendas of early Mind Curers, fell away. After tracing how we got from Mind Cure to Mindfulness, this book reveals what got lost in the process.


2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (5) ◽  
pp. 509-527
Author(s):  
Philip Q. Yang

This study investigates the effects of race and gender on perceived employment discrimination using the 2016 General Social Survey that provides new data on perceived employment discrimination that aligns more closely with the legal definition of employment discrimination. It is found that 19% of the American adults self-reported the experience of employment discrimination in job application, pay increase, or promotion in the past 5 years. The results of logistic regression analysis show that either controlling or not controlling for other factors, Blacks were much more likely to perceive being discriminated in employment than Whites, but other races were not significantly different from Whites in perceived employment discrimination after holding other variables constant. While gender did not have a significant independent effect on perceived job discrimination, it did interact with race to influence perceived job discrimination. Regardless of race, women were somewhat less likely than men to perceive job discrimination, but Black women were significantly even less likely than White women to self-report job discrimination, and Black men were much more likely to self-report employment discrimination than White men. These findings have implications for combating employment discrimination and addressing social inequalities.


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Natasha Conley ◽  
Diana Bilimoria

Abstract In this study, we investigate the obstacles to growth and the mitigating strategies of high-performing (over $1 million in revenues) entrepreneurial businesses, and how these differ between businesses owned by Black and White entrepreneurs and between female and male entrepreneurs. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews and qualitatively analyzed using grounded theory and thematic analysis methods. Findings reveal that the lack of access to capital is faced by all groups of entrepreneurs, but that Black and female entrepreneurs additionally faced racial discrimination and gender bias obstacles to their business growth. While all entrepreneurs used social capital strategies to mitigate the barriers to growth that their businesses faced, Black and female entrepreneurs additionally employed faith and prayer as well as business engagement in governmental and corporate diversity initiatives as strategies to overcome the obstacles. Implications of the findings for the entrepreneurial business growth of racial/ethnic minority and female-owned firms are discussed.


Author(s):  
Panagiotis Delis

Abstract The aim of this paper is to examine the functionality of impoliteness strategies as rhetorical devices employed by acclaimed African American and White hip-hop artists. It focuses on the social and artistic function of the key discursive element of hip-hop, namely aggressive language. The data for this paper comprise songs of US African American and White performers retrieved from the November 2017 ‘TOP100 Chart’ for international releases on Spotify.com. A cursory look at the sub-corpora (Black male/ Black female/ White male/ White female artists’ sub-corpus) revealed the prominence of the ‘use taboo words’ impoliteness strategy. The analysis of impoliteness instantiations by considering race and gender as determining factors in the lyrics selection process unveiled that both male groups use impoliteness strategies more frequently than female groups. It is also suggested that Black male and White female singers employ impoliteness to resist oppression, offer a counter-narrative about their own experience and self (re)presentation and reinforce in group solidarity.


2019 ◽  
Vol 121 (13) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Zeus Leonardo ◽  
Blanca Gamez-Djokic

Emotional praxis is not a phrase usually associated with teaching and teacher education. Yet when race enters educational spaces, emotions frequently run high. In particular, Whites are often ill-equipped to handle emotions about race, either becoming debilitated by them or consistently evading them. Without critically understanding the relationship between race and emotions—or, simply, racialized emotions—teachers are unprepared to teach one of the most important topics in modern education. This chapter addresses this gap in education and teacher training by surveying the philosophical, sociological, and burgeoning literature on emotion in education to arrive at critical knowledge about the function and constitutive role it plays in discourses on race. Specifically, the argument delves into white racial emotions in light of the known fact that most teachers in the United States are White women. This means that our critical understanding of emotion during the teaching and learning interaction entails appreciation of both its racialized and gendered dimensions, and attention to both race and gender becomes part of emotional praxis. Finally, the essay ends with a proposal for an intersubjective race theory of emotion in education.


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