Sometimes Leaving Means Staying: Race and White Teachers’ Emotional Investments

2019 ◽  
Vol 121 (13) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Zeus Leonardo ◽  
Blanca Gamez-Djokic

Emotional praxis is not a phrase usually associated with teaching and teacher education. Yet when race enters educational spaces, emotions frequently run high. In particular, Whites are often ill-equipped to handle emotions about race, either becoming debilitated by them or consistently evading them. Without critically understanding the relationship between race and emotions—or, simply, racialized emotions—teachers are unprepared to teach one of the most important topics in modern education. This chapter addresses this gap in education and teacher training by surveying the philosophical, sociological, and burgeoning literature on emotion in education to arrive at critical knowledge about the function and constitutive role it plays in discourses on race. Specifically, the argument delves into white racial emotions in light of the known fact that most teachers in the United States are White women. This means that our critical understanding of emotion during the teaching and learning interaction entails appreciation of both its racialized and gendered dimensions, and attention to both race and gender becomes part of emotional praxis. Finally, the essay ends with a proposal for an intersubjective race theory of emotion in education.

2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (8) ◽  
pp. 1172-1184 ◽  
Author(s):  
Curtis E. Phills ◽  
Amanda Williams ◽  
Jennifer M. Wolff ◽  
Ashley Smith ◽  
Rachel Arnold ◽  
...  

Two studies examined the relationship between explicit stereotyping and prejudice by investigating how stereotyping of minority men and women may be differentially related to prejudice. Based on research and theory related to the intersectional invisibility hypothesis (Purdie-Vaughns & Eibach, 2008), we hypothesized that stereotyping of minority men would be more strongly related to prejudice than stereotyping of minority women. Supporting our hypothesis, in both the United Kingdom (Study 1) and the United States (Study 2), when stereotyping of Black men and women were entered into the same regression model, only stereotyping of Black men predicted prejudice. Results were inconsistent in regard to South Asians and East Asians. Results are discussed in terms of the intersectional invisibility hypothesis (Purdie-Vaughns & Eibach, 2008) and the gendered nature of the relationship between stereotyping and attitudes.


2022 ◽  
pp. 22-40
Author(s):  
Paula Cronovich ◽  
Jacqueline Mitchell

This case study delineates changes enacted in the cultural program for beginning-level Spanish language students at a private, faith-based university. Given the restrictions of the pandemic insofar as virtual teaching and learning, as well as the national and international context of racial strife and inequities, the instructors took the opportunity to utilize antiracist pedagogy in order to reach the goals of meaningful content and measurable student outcomes. One of the General Education learning outcomes demonstrates how well students understand the “complex issues faced by diverse groups in global and/or cross-cultural contexts.” Within the context of Latin America and the Latina/Latino experience in the United States, the assignments focus on the intersections of race and gender as they relate to cultural expressions, ensuring that the approach does not obfuscate contributions nor realities of people of color.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Christian Dyogi Phillips

Chapter 1 begins by presenting an overview of the vicissitudes of descriptive representation in state legislatures for women and men from the four largest racial groups in the United States, from 1996 to 2015. The chapter then previews the book’s main finding: factors related to representation and candidate emergence, such as the relationship between district populations and descriptive representatives or political ambition, are shaped by race and gender simultaneously. To account for the persistence of underrepresentation among women and minorities, Chapter 1 then advances the intersectional model of electoral opportunity. The model accounts for external and internal, multilevel pressures that constrain and facilitate the realistic candidacy opportunities for white women, white men, men of color, and women of color. The chapter closes by discussing the necessity of studying Asian American women and men, and Latinas and Latinos, in order to better understand representation in a nation shaped by immigration and immigrant communities.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Phillips

AbstractThis paper demonstrates that the relationship between wanting a descriptive representative based on gender, and giving that attitude weight in voting decisions, is weakest among White women voters. Among under-represented groups of voters, White women were uniquely positioned going into the 2016 presidential election—they had the option to choose “one of their own” in terms of race and gender. Yet, the majority did not vote for the White woman on the ballot, Hillary Rodham Clinton. This outcome is an opportunity to interrogate how descriptive representation functions in different ways across groups with distinct socio-political positions in American politics. I argue that the relationship between desiring descriptive representation, and giving it weight when deciding for whom to vote for, is different across groups. Using American National Election Survey (ANES) data, I show that this is the case in the 2016 election. Nearly two-thirds of White women who said that electing more women is important, voted for Trump. Moreover, White women's espoused belief in the necessity of electing more women had no significant effect on their ultimate vote choice. In contrast, the same desire for increased descriptive representation based on gender had large, positive, and significant effects on women of color's vote choice. This study bears on extant research considering descriptive representation's importance to voters based only on race, or gender, and on the broader literature linking group identities and voter behavior.


2019 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eileen M. Crimmins ◽  
Yuan S. Zhang

Life expectancy has long been seen as an indicator of the quality of life as well as the health of a population. Recent trends in US life expectancy show growing inequality in life expectancy for some socioeconomic and geographic groupings but diminishing inequality by race and gender. For example, while African Americans had gains in life expectancy, non-Hispanic white women with low levels of education experienced drops. Overall, the United States continues to fall behind other countries in terms of life expectancy. One reason is our growing mortality in midlife from so-called deaths of despair. Public health programs cannot eliminate these adverse trends if they are not also accompanied by social policies supporting economic opportunity for US families.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. S591-S591
Author(s):  
Grace A Noppert

Abstract There is compelling evidence to suggest that educational disparities in health differ by both race and gender. This study examines the relationship between respondents’ education and six health outcomes related to cardiometabolic and inflammatory outcomes using data from Wave IV of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health (ages 24-32 years; N = 13,458). We used logistic regression models to examine the relationship between education and the odds of each health outcome. Models were stratified by race and gender. We found that the association between education and each health outcome differed by race/ethnicity and gender. While among whites we observed an association between education and each health outcome, for blacks we observed no such associations. It may be that the benefits of education are particularly salient for those in more structurally advantaged positions, pointing to the continued need to address structural inequalities by both gender and race.


Author(s):  
Kathleen M. Blee ◽  
Elizabeth A. Yates

A small but growing body of literature highlights the roles of women in White supremacist movements in the United States. This chapter reviews the diverse findings of this work by showing when, why, and how women participate in White supremacist movements. It begins by analyzing the interlocking ideologies of race and gender that shape women’s participation. Most White supremacist movements glorify stereotypical gender norms for both men and women, and place strict boundaries on white women’s sexual partners as an essential part of guaranteeing White power and status, though a few groups promote less strictly subordinate roles for White women. The chapter also focuses on the various paths by which women are recruited to White supremacism, largely through social networks and racist messaging. Finally, it discusses how internal and external factors in White supremacist movements influence the various roles that women play.


2001 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Venus Green

This article compares the racially heterogeneous, privately-owned American telephone industry, and the relatively homogeneous, publicly-owned British system, to examine how race and gender constructions implicit in the national identities of the two countries influence employment opportunities. For all the differences in the histories of the two telephone industries and variations in the construction of racial, national, and gender identities, blacks in the United States and Britain had remarkably similar experiences in obtaining employment as telephone operators. This leads to the conclusion that the power of national identity in the workplace is strongly based on “whiteness”. Despite their limited access to national identity, white women experienced advantages that were denied to black women, which illustrates how race modified the impact of gender on the privileges of national identity.


1992 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-58
Author(s):  
Susanne Schmitz ◽  
Paul E. Gabriel

Recent work by labor economists has suggested that differential labor market treatment of minorities (e.g., occupational segregation) may vary across local labor markets. This study assesses whether changing economic conditions in a local labor market affects the degree of occupational segregation by race and gender in the United States. Our empirical analysis finds evidence that the relative occupational structures of white women and black males are systematically related to changes in certain local labor market conditions.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 608-630 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michelle Fine ◽  
María Elena Torre ◽  
David M. Frost ◽  
Allison L. Cabana

This article investigates the relationship between exposure to structural injustice, experiences of social discrimination, psychological well being, physical health, and engagement in activist solidarities for a large, racially diverse and inclusive sample of 5,860 LGBTQ/Gender Expansive youth in the United States. Through a participatory action research design and a national survey created by an intergenerational research collective, the “What’s Your Issue?” survey data are used to explore the relationships between injustice, discrimination and activism; to develop an analysis of how race and gender affect young people’s vulnerabilities to State violence (in housing, schools and by the police), and their trajectories to activism, and to amplify a range of “intimate activisms” engaged by LGBTQ/GE youth with powerful adults outside their community, and with often marginalized peers within. The essay ends with a theoretical appreciation of misrecognition as structural violence; activism as a racialized and gendered response to injustice, and an elaborated archive of “intimate activisms” engaged with dominant actors and within community, by LGBTQ/GE youth who have been exiled from home, school, state protection and/or community and embody, nevertheless, “willful subjectivities”.


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