The South and the Principle of Self-Determination

2012 ◽  
pp. 80-106
Author(s):  
Andre M. Fleche
Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
pp. 627-645
Author(s):  
Andrew F. Lang

Restoring the Union and securing emancipation after the Civil War depended on the U.S. Army. But the symbolism of standing military forces operating at the domestic vanguard of social and political change hampered the army’s ability to conduct a widespread occupation. The success of Reconstruction (1865–1877) depended on the army integrating itself in unprecedented ways in political affairs, social conditions, and economic markets to forge a new South stable enough never again to threaten the Union’s survival, but not too centralized to appear coercive. Ultimately, the very institution that reintegrated the formerly rebellious states into their proper federal orbit was also regarded by White Northerners and Southerners as an unstable threat to democratic self-determination. Hampered by a consistent and rapid demobilization, the army could not wield the tools necessary to prevent former Confederates from regaining political power and “redeeming” the South into an eerie image of its prewar self.


2009 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 567-583 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kieran O'Reilly ◽  
Noelle Higgins

AbstractThe 2008 conflict in South Ossetia, involving both Georgian and Russian armed forces, attracted much international attention and debate. This article seeks to analyse the international legal framework regarding the use of force which should have applied to this conflict. It will first look at the history of, and circumstances surrounding, the South Ossetian conflict, and then examine the jus ad bellum regarding wars of national liberation and aggression. The concept of intervention to protect nationals abroad will also be discussed. These legal paradigms will then be applied to the events of August 2008 in the region of South Ossetia to analyse the legality of the use of force in this conflict.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 395-398
Author(s):  
Sacha McMeeking ◽  
Helen Leahy ◽  
Catherine Savage

For Māori in New Zealand, COVID-19 is remarkable in two particular ways. First, we bet the odds for the first time in contemporary history. Forecasts predicted that Māori would have double the infection and mortality rates of non-Māori. However, as at June 2020, Māori have a disproportionately lower infection rate than non-Māori. This is perhaps the only example in our contemporary history of the Māori community having better social outcomes than non-Māori. Second is that attribution is due, perhaps not exclusively, but materially to a self-determination social movement within our Indigenous communities that the pandemic response unveiled and accelerated. This article comments on this self-determination social movement, with a particular focus on how that movement has manifested within the South Island of New Zealand. We specifically draw on the work of Te Pūtahitanga o Te Waipounamu, the South Island Whānau Ora Commissioning Agency to illustrate our analysis.


Author(s):  
Yinka Olomojobi

Abstract There has been recent agitation for self-determination in the south-east of Nigeria for the state known as Biafra (a pro-secessionist group). The principle of self-determination is a well-debated discourse since it connects with the right to secede and create a sovereign state. Like a marriage at gunpoint, a reluctant partner will always want a way out of the marriage, and will take a hike at the first opportunity. Given this political inheritance, Nigeria has fallen prey to several attempts to undermine state sovereignty originating in ethnic and regional differences. The controversy has concerned both the principle’s status in international law and its charter. This principle has played a prominent part in the emergence of former colonies as independent states. The aim of this article is to explore the ongoing agitation for a Biafran Republic and to assess whether it is in conformity with the right to self-determination.


2000 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristin Henrard ◽  
Stefaan Smis

This article examines the right to self-determination and the various constitutional mechanisms that can be used to accommodate cultural diversity. Using the South African and Ethiopian constitutions as case-studies, it concludes that it is possible to respect the principle of equality and the right to identity of "population groups" in a way which will pre-empt calls for external self-determination, and it suggests that the mechanisms used in these two countries may serve as a model elsewhere in Africa and beyond.


2013 ◽  
Vol 82 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-282 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gnanapala Welhengama ◽  
Nirmala Pillay

This study examines the attitudes of the South and South East Asian states to secession in the post-colonial context. The right to self-determination was a key argument in the overthrow of colonial rule, but states that won their independence from foreign rule are unwilling to recognise that ethnic minorities in these former colonial states have a right to make the same argument in their bid for self-government. These states insist on the inviolability of mainly colonial boundaries and reject any notion that the right to self-determination implies the right to secession. This article examines the reasons for this attitude. Also, in the last five years two significant events have occurred: Kosovo has seceded and the Tamil Tigers have been defeated. The article explores the implications of these two extremes.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-53
Author(s):  
Gilberto Alves Araújo

This work investigates how Afro-migrants are represented within a Brazilian and a South African tabloid in terms of race and ethnicity. It also employs scorpus linguistics and critical discourse analysis to analyse verbal language. Results suggest that the two newspapers represent black migrants in the light of criminality, either as victims or perpetrators. They often place migrants as beneficiaries of charity, especially in the Brazilian case, and more as perpetrators in the South African case. Passivization of migrants is noticeable in both tabloids; however, the Brazilian outlet resorts mostly to reported speech and editing of the migrants’ voices while the South African offers them either freer speech or silencing. Ultimately, Afro-Latin philosophical principles such as self-determination and empathetic zeal are often times neglected across many depictions.


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