Introduction

Author(s):  
Jessica M. Frazier

A single photograph provides one of the few pieces of evidence that Lorraine Gordon and Mary Clarke, both white members of the U.S.-based organization Women Strike for Peace (WSP), were the first American peace activists to interview Vietnamese officials in North Viet Nam after U.S. bombing began....

2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cornell University Library
Keyword(s):  
Viet Nam ◽  

The U.S. Library of Congress Holding: Kinh tế Việt Nam - Thăng trầm và đột phá (Asia) by NXB Chính trị Quốc gia Sự thật (2009).


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 555-574
Author(s):  
Charisse Burden-Stelly

AbstractUsing the praxis and persecution of William Edward Burghardt Du Bois as a case study, this article analyzes the ways in which anticommunism became a tool of investigating, policing, discrediting, and ultimately curtailing what I call “Radical Black Peace Activism.” During the Cold War, the U.S. state apparatus treated this form of activism as an anti-American, foreign-inspired threat to national security attributable to the Communist “peace offensive.” Radical Black Peace Activists linked the end of global conflict, disarmament, and non-proliferation with antiracism, anticolonialism, anti-imperialism, and socialism. They argued that progress and justice could only be realized through international cooperation and peaceful coexistence. In other words, they demanded a new world order that would displace the United States, and its relentless militarism, as the world’s police. The investigation, indictment, and defamation of W. E. B. Du Bois, which coincided with the intensification of the Korean War, is illustrative of how Radical Black Peace Activism was treated as a form of Soviet-backed subversion. Through anticommunism, the U.S. state apparatus deemed the use of anti-Black and antiradical repression imperative to its security, stability, and status as the global defender of freedom and democracy.


Author(s):  
Jessica M. Frazier

After peace talks began in Paris, the female delegation of Nguyen Thi Binh, foreign minister of the Provisional Revolutionary Government (PRG) of South Viet Nam, spearheaded people's diplomatic efforts as Binh’s own poised, determined, and feminine presence on the world stage inspired countless women around the world. Complementing the PRG women's efforts, U.S. women activists continued to travel to Viet Nam—both North and South. The context of American women's activism had shifted in two significant ways, however. First, the incarceration of Vietnamese political prisoners in South Viet Nam in "tiger cages" came to light in July 1970. Second, the context of growing feminist sentiment colored the views of women peace activists. The U.S. military's complicity in the deplorable prison conditions in the South led women peace activists to perceive social inequalities in the United States as they also noted the distinguished positions of women in North Viet Nam. They came to describe Vietnamese women in the North as having gained "liberation" and claimed South Vietnamese society had actually deteriorated because of U.S. intervention.


Author(s):  
Jessica M. Frazier

At a time when U.S. women were pushed to the sidelines of antiwar protests because of a focus on draft resistance, American women’s peace groups carved out a place for themselves as middle-aged mothers of draft-age sons. This language paralleled that of Vietnamese women, who also described themselves as mothers of soldiers, allowing Vietnamese and American women to create an authentic bond between them as they also benefited from this language politically. While American women peace activists used this coalition to discuss the establishment of regular communication between POWs and their families in the United States, Vietnamese women publicly admonished the U.S. government's disrespect for life and praised the efforts of American mothers to maintain American ideals.


Author(s):  
Jessica M. Frazier

In an era when red-baiting still occurred, American women’s peace organizations often represented themselves as mothers concerned for the fates of their children when engaging in antiwar activism. This depiction mirrored that of Vietnamese women who also described themselves as mothers. Thus, the portrayal of women on both sides of the U.S. war in Viet Nam as first and foremost mothers was a mutual endeavor. Even so, Vietnamese women challenged American women’s version of motherhood as inherently peaceful and apolitical by promoting women's entrance into the military and politics. As some American women actively ignored stories of women's violence, others developed new perspectives on women's roles because of their repeated exposure to these alternative versions of motherhood.


1969 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Huynh Kim Khanh
Keyword(s):  
Viet Nam ◽  

Author(s):  
Jessica M. Frazier

It seems remiss not to end a book ostensibly about the Viet Nam war with the acknowledgment that the memory of the war still divides U.S. society.1 Yet, evaluating American and Vietnamese women’s relationships leads to a different conclusion. By war’s end, women had created networks such that, despite national, social, political, and economic differences, they collaborated on terms dictated by those asking for assistance—the Vietnamese. Although these alliances did not continue in this manner, this story provides an example of women from the East and West or the Global South and Global North forming cooperative relationships against a common enemy, the U.S. government. They formed these alliances primarily for informational purposes at first, but soon the reasons on both sides for maintaining contact with one another expanded beyond these initial desires. As more and more Americans came to describe U.S. actions in Viet Nam in terms similar to those the Vietnamese used, groups of American activists identified more closely with the Vietnamese people. With this shiftcame new perspectives on U.S. society and multiple versions of feminism....


Author(s):  
R. D. Heidenreich

This program has been organized by the EMSA to commensurate the 50th anniversary of the experimental verification of the wave nature of the electron. Davisson and Germer in the U.S. and Thomson and Reid in Britian accomplished this at about the same time. Their findings were published in Nature in 1927 by mutual agreement since their independent efforts had led to the same conclusion at about the same time. In 1937 Davisson and Thomson shared the Nobel Prize in physics for demonstrating the wave nature of the electron deduced in 1924 by Louis de Broglie.The Davisson experiments (1921-1927) were concerned with the angular distribution of secondary electron emission from nickel surfaces produced by 150 volt primary electrons. The motivation was the effect of secondary emission on the characteristics of vacuum tubes but significant deviations from the results expected for a corpuscular electron led to a diffraction interpretation suggested by Elasser in 1925.


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