Introduction

Author(s):  
Maurice J. Hobson

On September 18, 1990, the International Olympic Committee selected Atlanta, Georgia, as the host city for the XXVI Centennial Olympiad (1996). A product of the visionary leadership of black mayors Maynard Holbrook Jackson Jr. and Andrew Jackson Young, this achievement signaled a Kairos moment for the southern city. Only twenty-five years before, Atlanta had reeled from urban rebellions as poor black citizens took to the streets to air their grievances over police brutality and poor living conditions. Just a few years later, Maynard Jackson had ascended to the mayor’s office, drawing from an unprecedented coalition of black Atlantans and the city’s white progressive voters. If a cross-racial grassroots coalition had been responsible for electing Jackson in 1973, the Olympic victory came thanks to a coalition of elites—cooperation between the black city government and the white business elite, especially Coca-Cola and Delta Airlines, was instrumental to securing the Games. The city’s boosters, the Atlanta Convention Bureau, and different trade and tourist administrations could now claim that Atlanta had outgrown its status as regional capital of the South, transcending the region and history. After decades of reinvention, it was “Hotlanta,” the Deep South’s newest and most modern world-class and international city. Yet the fruits of this success were not, and have never been, shared equitably. As much as Atlanta had changed, the same poor blacks who had taken to the streets in the urban uprisings of the 1960s had benefited little during the decades that followed....

Author(s):  
Kevin Morgan ◽  
Terry Marsden ◽  
Jonathan Murdoch

With its rolling hills, small farms, diverse products, and high-quality foodstuffs, Tuscany easily conjures up a world of diversification and localization. In fact, so many of the region’s products are seen as world class—notably its wines, olive oils, cheeses, and processed meats—that it is tempting to see this region as the prime example of an Interpersonal World (in Salais and Storper’s terms). Yet, Tuscany’s perceived success in this world of food is a recent phenomenon. Until the 1990s the region was thought to be rather ‘backward’ in character, mainly due to its inability to adopt conventional industrial approaches to food production and processing. While some effort was made to shift Tuscany on to a more industrialized development path during the 1960s and 1970s, by the early 1990s this was widely regarded as having failed. Out of this failure, however, came the search for a new development model, one that could work with, rather than against, the region’s core assets—notably, its localized variety in foodstuffs and environmental features. Thus, a distinctively Tuscan approach to the agri-food sector is explicitly identified in the recent Rural Development Plan (RDP) drawn up by the Tuscan regional government. The document states that the strategy elaborated in the plan is aiming at ‘strengthening the ‘‘Tuscan model’’ of agricultural and rural development’. The plan goes on to identify key characteristics of the model, including the presence of small and mediumsized farms, the existence of quality products, the diversification of agricultural production, the provision of adequate marketing networks, and the enhancement of the environment and the agricultural landscape (Regione Toscana, 2000). It is tempting to imagine that the consolidation of a diversified and localized world of food production in Tuscany owes much to the implementation of this model by governmental authorities in concert with other actors in the food sector. However, it will be argued below that the emergence of a new world of food in Tuscany owes as much to happenstance as it does to the conscious agency of differing institutions and organizations.


Author(s):  
Sam Mitrani

This chapter examines how the Chicago Police Department figured in the native-born Protestant elite's attempt to control urban life in the city during the 1870s. In the 1870s, it became increasingly clear that the promise of “free labor” would not be met. Native-born Protestant urban elites across the country felt as if the cities were slipping into the grasp of immigrant workers and unemployed vagrants. This chapter describes the efforts of Chicago's traditional native-born, Protestant urban elite to enforce stricter temperance laws, regulate economic life, especially construction, and gain tighter control over the municipal government itself. It begins with a discussion of the responses of Chicago's business elite and politicians, the city government, and the police to the Great Chicago Fire of 1871 as well as to the fear of crime that gripped Chicago in the summer of 1872. It then considers the Committee of Seventy's attempts to control the police and their divided stance over temperance and concludes with an assessment of the power struggle in the Chicago Police Department that would continue through 1873.


Author(s):  
Margaret Bendroth

Fundamentalism has a very specific meaning in the history of American Christianity, as the name taken by a coalition of mostly white, mostly northern Protestants who, in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, united in opposition to theological liberalism. Though the movement lost the public spotlight after the 1920s, it remained robust, building a network of separate churches, denominations, and schools that would become instrumental in the resurgence of conservative evangelicalism after the 1960s. In a larger sense, fundamentalism is a form of militant opposition to the modern world, used by some scholars to identify morally absolutist religious and political movements in Islam, Judaism, Christianity, and even Hinduism and Buddhism. While the core concerns of the movement that emerged within American Protestantism—defending the authority of the Bible and both separating from and saving their sinful world—do not entirely mesh with this analytical framework, they do reflect the broad and complex challenge posed by modernity to people of faith.


2019 ◽  
pp. 153851321987327
Author(s):  
J. Mark Souther

This article illuminates how a smaller southern city engaged broader planning approaches. Civic leaders, especially women, pushed and partnered with municipal administrations to beautify Augusta, Georgia, a city with extraordinarily wide streets and a long tradition of urban horticulture. Their efforts in the 1900s to 1950s, often in concert with close by planners, led to a confluence of urban beautification, historic preservation, and downtown revitalization in the 1960s. This coordinated activity reshaped Augusta’s cityscape, exacerbated racial tensions, and enshrined principles of the City Beautiful, Garden City, and parks movements long after they receded in large cities, influencing the work of nationally prominent planners commissioned in the 1970s and 1980s.


2018 ◽  
Vol 55 ◽  
pp. 05002
Author(s):  
Marina Shirokova

The article considers the reasons for the formation of political ethics as a science and a discipline. Its appearance was caused by the crisis of the state domestic and foreign policies in the 1960s and 1970s, the collapse of value orientations in the public consciousness, as well as the loss of the authority of politics in the eyes of society. All this led to a steadily high interest in ethical issues and criticism of politics from a moral standpoint. The author traces the evolution of the interpretation of the concept of politics from antiquity to our days. Like all human activities, politics needs values and the axiological system. But in the modern world, the dehumanization of politics is taking place. Thus, the issue of restoring ties between politics and morality is largely a matter of continuing existence and prospects for human development.


Author(s):  
Jason Berry

In 2015, the beautiful jazz funeral in New Orleans for composer Allen Toussaint coincided with a debate over removing four Confederate monuments. Mayor Mitch Landrieu led the ceremony, attended by living legends of jazz, music aficionados, politicians, and everyday people. The scene captured the history and culture of the city in microcosm--a city legendary for its noisy, complicated, tradition-rich splendor. In City of a Million Dreams, Jason Berry delivers a character-driven history of New Orleans at its tricentennial. Chronicling cycles of invention, struggle, death, and rebirth, Berry reveals the city's survival as a triumph of diversity, its map-of-the-world neighborhoods marked by resilience despite hurricanes, epidemics, fires, and floods. Berry orchestrates a parade of vibrant personalities, from the founder Bienville, a warrior emblazoned with snake tattoos; to Governor William C. C. Claiborne, General Andrew Jackson, and Pere Antoine, an influential priest and secret agent of the Inquisition; Sister Gertrude Morgan, a street evangelist and visionary artist of the 1960s; and Michael White, the famous clarinetist who remade his life after losing everything in Hurricane Katrina. The textured profiles of this extraordinary cast furnish a dramatic narrative of the beloved city, famous the world over for mysterious rituals as people dance when they bury their dead.


2003 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 385-386

Glen O'Hara is Lecturer in Modern History at New College, Oxford. He is the co-author, with Niall Ferguson, of ‘The Myth of the Feelgood Factor’, in N. Ferguson, The Cash Nexus: Money and Power in the Modern World Since 1700 (London, 2001). He is currently working on a book on British economic and social planning in the 1960s.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 127
Author(s):  
Polyana Pereira Coelho

Resumo: O ano de 2016 iniciou-se, no Brasil, num quadro de “instabilidade política”, termo usado pela grande mídia para referir-se às disputas pelo poder político que vinham ocorrendo desde 2013, quando irromperam no cenário brasileiro manifestações populares de grandes proporções. Desde a chegada do século XXI, uma mudança no quadro da mobilização popular marcou o desenvolvimento da luta de classes mundial. Embora difusas e aparentemente desconectadas, as diversas mobilizações que ocorreram em diversos continentes, retomaram a centralidade do espaço urbano enquanto palco da práxis política. No Brasil, as discussões sobre o espaço urbano adquiriram relevância ao final da década de 1960, quando a urbanização ampliou-se exponencialmente. Desde então o espaço urbano está em crise: marcado pelos muros, pelos conflitos, pela violência e pela disputa espacial na qual a aliança entre classe dominante e o Estado tem vencido sempre. Contudo, novas experiências insurgentes têm demonstrado que é possível construir espaços de resistência frente ao avanço do capital. As ocupações escolares demonstram como o desgaste com as péssimas condições de vida nas cidades podem levar à efervescência da luta por direitos. Nesse sentido, buscou-se investigar as insurgências que se utilizam da desobediência civil e da ocupação do espaço como estratégia de luta contra os projetos de dominação da consciência e da colonização do saber. As mobilizações que ressurgiram no Brasil a partir de 2013 demonstraram que é possível reconfigurar a luta urbana e reativar a esfera de discussão dos movimentos sociais, da juventude e dos excluídos fortalecendo a construção de projetos contra-hegemônicos.Palavras-chave: Espaço urbano; insurgência; desobediência civil; ocupações escolares.Abstract: The year 2016 began in Brazil in a context of “political instability”, a term used by the mainstream media to refer to the disputes over political power that has been taking place since 2013, when popular manifestations of large proportions erupted in the Brazilian scene. Since the turn of the 21st century, a shift in popular mobilization has marked the development of the world class struggle. Although diffuse and apparently disconnected, the various mobilizations that took place in several continents, have returned to the centrality of the urban space as a stage of political praxis. In Brazil, discussions about urban space became relevant at the end of the 1960s, when urbanization expanded exponentially. Since then the urban space is in crisis: marked by walls, conflicts, violence and the space dispute in which the alliance between the ruling class and the state has always won. However, new insurgent experiences have shown that it is possible to build spaces of resistance against the advance of capital. School occupations demonstrate how the wear and tear of poor living conditions in cities can lead to the effervescence of the struggle for rights. In this sense, we sought to investigate the insurgencies that use civil disobedience and the occupation of space as a strategy to fight against projects of domination of consciousness and colonization of knowledge. The mobilizations that have resurged in Brazil since 2013 have shown that it is possible to reconfigure the urban struggle and reactivate the sphere of discussion of social movements, youth and the excluded, strengthening the construction of counter-hegemonic projects.Keywords: urban space; insurgency; civil disobedience; occupations.


Author(s):  
Egnara Vartanyan

Introduction. The article deals with the problem of studying the ethics and values of Iran in the period from the late 20th to the early 21st centuries in the context of “cultural heritage” and “dialogue of civilizations” concepts. Methods. The historical-typological and historical-systematic methods, the civilization approach used in the article have allowed to analyze the typology and transformation of the Iranian culture in the period from the late 20th to the early 21st centuries. Analysis. The specific historical characteristics of the Iranian civilization are the continuity of development and the civilization openness, which can be explained not only by invasions of other civilizations, but also by the active perception of the intellectual culture achievements of other peoples. The Iranian civilization came into contact with other civilizations, its origin and functioning were caused by the dialogue of cultures in a broad sense of this word. The psychological reorganization of the Iranians arose as a reaction to the introduction of western values in the life of the country during the shah modernization of the 1960s – 1970s, which led to forming new features in the national consciousness of the Iranians: the aspiration to revive national cultural traditions, desire not so much “to catch up with the West”, as to approve the priority of its culture in peoples consciousness. Those years the Iranian social thought was devoted to the intensive development of the concept of historical and cultural identity of the country, problems of the relationship between the West and the East. In the Iranian social thought the certain independent area of knowledge, namely “cultural heritage”, was formed, which gave the way to the national consciousness and encouraged the scientific search of a rational model of countrys development, looking for the reliance in the traditional experience. Results. The author draws the conclusion that the interpenetration and mutual enrichment of people, cultures, civilizations are important, especially in the era of globalization. But this process is the most valuable in the context of the development of national cultures, respect for the cultural heritage of every nation i.e. maintaining cultural diversity of the modern world. Today modernization of Iran is connected with the civilization principles of development (“dialogue of civilizations”) in combination with preservation of cultural heritage.


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