It Looks Much Like Abandoned Land

2018 ◽  
pp. 145-166
Author(s):  
Erik Mathisen
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
African Americans ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Mississippi Valley ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Property A ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Abandoned Land ◽  
The Many

This chapter examines the many ways in which loyalty became part of a struggle for property, a struggle that would have profound consequences for the shape of Reconstruction in the Mississippi Valley. The chapter examines how state-sponsored emancipation worked in lockstep with the wartime seizure of property to create an environment within which loyalty to the United States gave worthy individuals claim to their possessions and left disloyal traitors with the flimsiest of holds over their land, their homes, and the black laborers many once owned. African Americans seized on the language of loyalty to claim a meaningful freedom for themselves and knit their families together again. The twinned power of allegiance and property nearly proved the undoing of white supremacy in the state. In the claims and counterclaims of black and white alike, what emerged was potentially the most radical edge of American emancipation: a bold attempt to give to former slaves the property of their disloyal former owners. In this, the collective stepping back from the most revolutionary of Reconstruction measures also spelled the slow erosion of loyalty, leaving former slaves without the means to claim anything more than political rights.

Advising the Race

2021 ◽  
pp. 86-114
Author(s):  
Julie Golia
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
African American ◽  
African Americans ◽  
The United States ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Women Readers ◽  
Racial Uplift ◽  
Black Newspapers ◽  
The Many

This chapter examines the advice column “Advice to the Wise and Otherwise,” which ran in the Chicago Defender, one of the most successful black newspapers in the United States. In the early twentieth century, black publishers recognized the many ways that mainstream newspapers reinforced the racial status quo in America and failed to address the needs of African American readers. They also sought to offer more feature content to women readers. “Advice to the Wise and Otherwise” was one of the country’s most widely read black advice columns. Columnist Princess Mysteria, a vaudeville mentalist, embraced the Defender’s mission of racial “uplift” and advocacy. But her counsel also reflected a unique sensitivity to the dual prejudices that her female readers faced as African Americans and as women. The columnist offered a worldview very different from that of white columnists, one that doled out assertive, even feminist advice.

Latino/a and African American Relations

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian D. Behnken
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Puerto Rican ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Mexican American ◽  
Black People ◽  
The United States ◽  
Civil Rights Era ◽  
Black And White

African Americans and Latino/as have had a long history of social interactions that have been strongly affected by the broader sense of race in the United States. Race in the United States has typically been constructed as a binary of black and white. Latino/as do not fit neatly into this binary. Some Latino/as have argued for a white racial identity, which has at times frustrated their relationships with black people. For African Americans and Latino/as, segregation often presented barriers to good working relationships. The two groups were often segregated from each other, making them mutually invisible. This invisibility did not make for good relations. Latino/as and blacks found new avenues for improving their relationships during the civil rights era, from the 1940s to the 1970s. A number of civil rights protests generated coalitions that brought the two communities together in concerted campaigns. This was especially the case for militant groups such as the Black Panther Party, the Mexican American Brown Berets, and the Puerto Rican Young Lords, as well as in the Poor People’s Campaign. Interactions among African Americans and Mexican American, Puerto Rican, and Cuban/Cuban American illustrate the deep and often convoluted sense of race consciousness in American history, especially during the time of the civil rights movement.

scholarly journals Class Mobility and Reproduction for Black and White Adults in the United States: A Visualization

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 237802312096095
Author(s):  
Daniel Laurison ◽  
Dawn Dow ◽  
Carolyn Chernoff
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Racial Inequality ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
Panel Study ◽  
The United States ◽  
Occupational Class ◽  
Good Picture ◽  
Class Mobility ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Class Origin

The relationship between where people start out in life (class origin) and where they are likely to end up (class destination) is central to any question about the fairness of contemporary society. Yet we often don’t have a good picture—literally or metaphorically—of the contours of that relationship. Further, work on class mobility in the United States often glosses over the large differences between white and Black Americans’ class positions and mobility trajectories. This visualization, based on data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, shows the association between occupational class origin and destination for Black and white employed Americans ages 25 to 69. Stark racial inequality, produced by the legacy and ongoing operation of white supremacy, is evident in each aspect of these figures.

Leaving Home

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa A. Lindsay
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Black People ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Leaving Home ◽  
New Developments ◽  
American Colonization Society ◽  
Free Black ◽  
Back To Africa

In late 1852, twenty-four year old Church Vaughan boarded a ship bound for Liberia. The vessel had been chartered by the American Colonization Society, an organization founded by white philanthropists and politicians to send African Americans “back” to Africa. As this chapter details, the Society’s mission and efforts were fraught with racist condescension. Since its beginning, African Americans and their allies were repelled by the white supremacy inherent in the Society’s mission and its kowtowing to slaveholders, and relatively few enrolled in the emigration scheme. By the early 1850s, however, new developments pushed increasing numbers of African Americans, like Vaughan, to look toward the continent of their ancestors. As sectional divisions tore at the United States, southern politicians devised new laws to limit free black people’s mobility, inhibit their ability to make a living, and generally equate them with slaves. As Church reached adulthood, predatory officials threatened his family’s livelihood, while the old ties of patronage that had protected them in an earlier era disappeared. Even if emigration did offer a chance for a new life where black people governed themselves, it was a hard bargain to make. This chapter includes an account of some of Church Vaughan’s Liberia-bound shipmates, who chose to leave the United States only under terrible duress. Church Vaughan almost did not leave either.

Nigerian Foreign Policy and Southern Africa: a Choice for the West

1981 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 41-45
Author(s):  
Nicholas J. Spiliotes
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Southern Africa ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
The United States ◽  
The West ◽  
Economic Implications ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Strategic Impact ◽  
Willingness To Use

In the decade since Nigeria ended its civil war. Southern Africa has become the paramount concern of Nigerian foreign policy. No other foreign-relations issue generates such a unified Nigerian response as does opposition to White supremacy in the Southern redoubt. At the same time, extraordinary wealth from petroleum exports has provided a new capability to influence developments in Southern Africa and, ultimately, the outcome of the confrontation between Black and White in South Africa. With its strategic impact on the economies of the United Kingdom and the United States, Lagos has demonstrated a willingness to use its leverage to attain policy goals in the region. The Nigerian government appears to be offering the West a choice. It expects the Western nations to be more attentive to Nigerian concerns and demands on African issues if they are not to face economic retaliation. During the past four years Lagos began to define this choice in its relations with Great Britain. A consideration of these relations would be instructive for the United States; the political and economic implications of this policy should be clear to London and Washington as they piece together parallel approaches to Southern Africa.

scholarly journals Tricksterism, Anti-Semitism, and White Supremacy in The Education of Henry Adams: A Centennial Reassessment

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald Yacovone
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
African American ◽  
African Americans ◽  
World Literature ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
Jewish Life ◽  
Political Corruption ◽  
The United States ◽  
Henry Adams ◽  
Anti Semitism

Because of its place in American and world literature, The Education of Henry Adams has become enormously influential, but we have not fully understood the full scope of its impact, its subversive contexts, and Adams’s role in sustaining and furthering white supremacy.  Indeed, although most of the text is devoted to the era of the American Civil War and Reconstruction, Adams never employed the term.  More importantly, because of the intensity of his racism and anti-Semitism, he dismissed the era that was dominated by strife over the nation’s future and the African American role in it as one simply overwhelmed with sordid political corruption, which had its origins in alleged Jewish intrigue both in the United States and Europe. By examining the background to Adams’s work and his brilliant ingenuity, we can more fully understand what Adams sought to accomplish and how.  Neither an autobiography nor a history, Adams crafted a “trickster” novel to devalue African Americans and attack Jewish life. He wrote, perhaps, the most ingenious and dangerous book of the fin de siècle.

scholarly journals The Architecture of Racial Segregation: The Challenges of Preserving the Problematical Past

2005 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 11-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert R. Weyeneth
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Conceptual Framework ◽  
Everyday Life ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
Racial Segregation ◽  
The United States ◽  
Spatial System ◽  
Alternative Spaces

The article examines racial segregation as a spatial system and proposes a conceptual framework for assessing its significance. It analyzes how the ideology of white supremacy influenced design form in the United States and how Jim Crow architecture appeared on the landscape. For African Americans, the settings for everyday life were not simply the confines of this imposed architecture; the article analyzes responses such as the construction of alternative spaces. The discussion concludes by considering the architecture of segregation from the perspective of historic preservation.

Applying the Devil's Works in a Holy Cause: Working-Class Popular Culture and the Salvation Army in the United States, 1879-1900

1997 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-223
Author(s):  
Lillian Taiz
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
Popular Culture ◽  
York City ◽  
The United States ◽  
Salvation Army ◽  
Public Meeting ◽  
The Many ◽  
Sunday Evening

Forty-eight hours after they landed in New York City in 1880, a small contingent of the Salvation Army held their first public meeting at the infamous Harry Hill's Variety Theater. The enterprising Hill, alerted to the group's arrival from Britain by newspaper reports, contacted their leader, Commissioner George Scott Railton, and offered to pay the group to “do a turn” for “an hour or two on … Sunday evening.” In nineteenth-century New York City, Harry Hill's was one of the best known concert saloons, and reformers considered him “among the disreputable classes” of that city. His saloon, they said, was “nothing more than one of the many gates to hell.”

Dismantling White Privilege: The Black Lives Matter Movement and Environmental Justice in Canada

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Cheryl Teelucksingh
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Critical Race Theory ◽  
Environmental Justice ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
The United States ◽  
Conceptual Tool ◽  
Public Monuments ◽  
Black Lives Matter ◽  
Jim Crow Era

On August 12, 2017, in Charlottesville, Virginia, alt-right/White supremacy groups and Black Lives Matter (BLM) supporters came face-to-face regarding what to do about public monuments that celebrate key figures from slavery and the Jim Crow era. White supremacists and White nationalists did not hide their racist ideologies as they demanded that their privileged place in history not be erased. The BLM movement, which challenges state-sanctioned anti-Black racism, was ready to confront themes of White discontent and reverse racism, critiques of political correctness, and the assumption that racialized people should know their place and be content to be the subordinate other.It is easy to frame the events in Charlottesville as indicative of US-specific race problems. However, a sense that White spaces should prevail and an ongoing history of anti-Black racism are not unique to the United States. The rise of Canadian activism under the BLM banner also signals a movement to change Canadian forms of institutional racism in policing, education, and the labor market. This article responds to perceptions that the BLM movement has given insufficient attention to environmental concerns (Pellow 2016; Halpern 2017). Drawing on critical race theory as a conceptual tool, this article focuses on the Canadian context as part of the author’s argument in favor of greater collaboration between BLM and the environmental justice (EJ) movement in Canada. This article also engages with the common stereotype that Blacks in Canada have it better than Blacks in the United States.

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