The U.S. Postal Service and the Postal Unions in the 1970s

Undelivered ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 147-168
Author(s):  
Philip F. Rubio

Chapter Six shows how postal unions made use of increased collective bargaining rights to win higher pay and increased benefits. At the same time, there was constant conflict with postal management and within the unions on issues of democracy and militancy in the first decade of the new U.S. Postal Service. By 1971, the National Association of Letter Carriers and the new American Postal Workers Union had emerged as the two leading postal unions representing workers and instituting reforms. The U.S. Postal Service would also be bargaining with two smaller unions that had little or nothing to do with the strike—the National Postal Mail Handlers Union and the National Rural Letter Carriers Association.

Undelivered ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 169-183
Author(s):  
Philip F. Rubio

Chapter Seven studies how antagonistic labor-management contract negotiations between the U.S. Postal Service and its two major unions, the National Association of Letter Carriers and the American Postal Workers Union, almost ended with a called strike by those unions in the first year of President Ronald Reagan’s administration (1981-1989). This strike was averted by an arbitration mechanism built into the PRA. Union solidarity was embodied in the Joint Bargaining Committee. This chapter also charts the effects of automation on the workforce from the 1970s through the early 2000s.


Undelivered ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Philip F. Rubio

This introductory chapter argues that this strike was a ground-breaking, successful rebellion against the federal government and postal union leadership. Both organized and spontaneous, it was a strike that also helps reveal rank-and-file militancy during that time as something rising, not falling--especially in the growing public sector. Postal labor was vital to the movement of mail, and postal workers were well positioned to wildcat by virtue of being so thoroughly unionized yet forbidden by law to strike. The stage had already been set for upsurge with the 1960s spike in the hiring of African Americans, women, veterans, and young people, and with a leading role played by New York City postal workers. This chapter draws connections between the strike and the resulting Postal Reorganization Act, which subsequently left the U.S. Postal Service vulnerable to subsequent laws and policy measures that harmed the agency’s financial viability.


Author(s):  
Philip F. Rubio

For eight days in March 1970, over 200,000 postal workers staged an illegal "wildcat" strike--the largest in United States history--for better wages and working conditions. Picket lines started in New York and spread across the country like wildfire. Strikers defied court injunctions, threats of termination, and their own union leaders. In the negotiated aftermath, the U.S. Post Office became the U.S. Postal Service, and postal workers received full collective bargaining rights and wage increases, all the while continuing to fight for greater democracy within their unions. Using archives, periodicals, and oral histories, Philip Rubio shows how this strike, born of frustration and rising expectations and emerging as part of a larger 1960s-1970s global rank-and-file labor upsurge, transformed the post office and postal unions. It also led to fifty years of clashes between postal unions and management over wages, speedup, privatization, automation, and service. Rubio revives the 1970 strike story and connects it to today's postal financial crisis that threatens the future of a vital 245-year-old public communications institution and its labor unions.


Author(s):  
Michael D. Bradley ◽  
Christopher S. Brehm ◽  
Jeffrey Colvin ◽  
William M. Takis

2013 ◽  
Vol 18 (5) ◽  
pp. 1367-1374 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eduardo Alexandre de Oliveira ◽  
Rose Maria Manosso ◽  
Gisela Braune ◽  
Priscila Cavalheiro Marcenovicz ◽  
Leandro Nagae Kuritza ◽  
...  

Dog bites are the third most common cause of absenteeism among postal workers of the Brazilian National Postal Service in Southern Brazil, with an average off-work time of approximately two days for each biting episode. The objective of this study was to evaluate the neighborhood characteristics involving dog bites that occurred during work time in postal workers, its impact on work and consequent preventive alternatives. A descriptive and analytical cross-sectional study was designed for all Curitiba postal workers. Data were descriptively analyzed and the hypothesis of correlation between median monthly income, population density and occurrence of dog bites was tested. A total of 34.9% of the postal workers answered the questionnaire and 64.6% of them had been bitten while working. The odds of bites occurring in a neighborhood increase by 1.035 times for every increase in one unit in the population density and decrease by 0.998 times for every increase of US$ 1.00 in the neighborhood median monthly income of the head of the family. The occurrence of dog bites among postal workers in Curitiba is related to income and population density and prevention strategies should address mailbox position and adequate fencing to provide protection for postal workers.


2018 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 165-176 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ethan M. Bernick ◽  
Brianne Heidbreder

This research examines the position of county clerk, where women are numerically disproportionately over-represented. Using data collected from the National Association of Counties and the U.S. Census Bureau, the models estimate the correlation between the county clerk’s sex and county-level demographic, social, and political factors with maximum likelihood logit estimates. This research suggests that while women are better represented in the office of county clerk across the United States, when compared to other elective offices, this representation may be because this office is not seen as attractive to men and its responsibilities fit within the construct of traditional gender norms.


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