Woolworths and Wales: A Multi-Dimensional Analysis of the Loss of a Local Brand

2011 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robin James Smith ◽  
Jesse Heley ◽  
Ian Stafford

In this paper we present a multi-dimensional analysis of the closure of Woolworths in Wales and the way in which the loss of this familiar high-street brand can be accounted for at a number of levels and within different social arenas. Primarily, the paper demonstrates how Woolworths is positioned as a symbol of a previous era of consumption centred upon community and place based notions of nostalgia and community. What is striking in the analysis is the similarities in the way in which Woolworths is mobilised as a symbol by the general public and elites; albeit with varying outcomes and affects. In presenting the analysis the paper demonstrates a processual framing as providing a fruitful approach to the combination of different approaches and fields of inquiry (sociology, geography, and political science) without diminishing their distinct contributions.

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 126-134
Author(s):  
Agung Perdana Kusuma

In the 18th century, although the Dutch Company controlled most of the archipelago, the Netherlands also experienced a decline in trade. This was due to the large number of corrupt employees and the fall in the price of spices which eventually created the VOC. Under the rule of H.W. Daendels, the colonial government began to change the way of exploitation from the old conservative way which focused on trade through the VOC to exploitation managed by the government and the private sector. Ulama also strengthen their ties with the general public through judicial management, and compensation, and waqaf assets, and by leading congregational prayers and various ceremonies for celebrating birth, marriage and death. Their links with a large number of artisans, workers (workers), and the merchant elite were very influential.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-5
Author(s):  
Carolyn E. Holmes

ABSTRACT This article explores the ethical difficulties that arise because of the interaction between fieldwork practitioners and their sites, in terms of the positionality of the researcher. What are the ethics of blending in or of standing out? This question stems from my experience of 12 months of fieldwork in South Africa in two distinct locales and among two different populations, one in which I could “pass” and another in which I was marked as various degrees of “outsider.” Drawing on this fieldwork, as well as an overview of the literature in political science on positionality, I argue that our discipline—because of the way it shapes interactions and research outcomes—must take positionality seriously in ethical training and practice.


2003 ◽  
pp. 33-59
Author(s):  
Danilo Basta

Fichte's theory of the state, comprising and integral part of his practical philosophy, is built on the key premises of his metaphysics. Therefore the clarification of this problem in Fichte's later philosophy intends to point, on one hand, to a representative metaphysical project of the state with great speculative power, and on the other to a way of thinking about the state which is today taken to be anachronistic, unscientific, outdated, and hence worthy of being mentioned as a "negative example". Though these qualifications should not be totally discarded or questioned in advance, revisiting Fichte's late metaphysics of the state is philosophically productive even in our times. Nowadays it can be extremely helpful to anyone who has not yet been trodden over by a scientific political science and whose cognitive interest is still sufficiently open for a strongly philosophical consideration of the state, who wishes to philosophically enrich or sharpens his/her view of the state. Although Fichte's theory of the state is unified and coherent, it underwent - especially in its last phase - a significant transformation. It was so much visible that the state is relegated to the background even terminologically. In Fichte's later philosophy the keyword is no longer the state but the "realm of freedom". The state is here talked about intentionally, as it were, always with a glance aimed at this realm, at the possibility and prospects for its establishment. Although this terminological and cognitive primacy of the realm of freedom pushed the state into the background, it was not denied any importance. On the contrary, on the way to freedom the state is for Fichte an important point of development that must be passed. And precisely in this transiency lies its inevitability. .


2021 ◽  
pp. 85-100
Author(s):  
Xavier Farré

The publisher Edicions del Mall made the first attempt to translate the most important poets of the 20th century into Catalan language, and suffered a clear setback, as this happened after 35 years of dictatorship in which Catalan literature was not allowed to be published officially. The publisher tried to recover normality within the literary tradition. In this context, they published the translation of an author of Lemberg, who had emigrated to Palestine and who writes in Hebrew, David Rokeah. The editor was Eduard Feliu, a prestigious translator of Hebrew and also of English and who had already translated to poets such as W.H. Auden in that same collection.The relevance already acquired by the publisher and by the translator at the time of publishing Rokeah facilitates the reception of this unknown author by the general public. The way in which the publisher is presented, as well as the para-texts, the translator’s work and the use of specific language for translation indicate that we are dealing with a case of literary translation in which the invisibility not only of the translator is fictitious, since the translated text must respond to a more literary-social action and must have a specific role within the new literary system.


2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 114-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Darren Schreiber

Neuropolitics is the intersection of neuroscience and political science, and it has the interdisciplinary goal of transforming both disciplines. This article reviews the past 20 years of work in the field, identifying its roots, some overarching themes—reactions to political attitudinal questions and candidates faces, identification of political ideology based on brain structure or reactivity to nonpolitical stimuli, and racial attitudes—and obstacles to its progress. I then explore the methodological and analytical advances that point the way forward for the future of neuropolitics. Although the field has been slow to develop compared with neurolaw and neuroeconomics, innovations look ripe for dramatically improving our ability to model political behaviors and attitudes in individuals and predict political choices in mass publics. The coming advancements, however, pose risks to our current norms of democratic deliberation, and academics need to anticipate and mitigate these risks.


2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 499-504
Author(s):  
Barbara Palmer ◽  
Laura van Assendelft ◽  
Mary Stegmaier

ABSTRACTIn 2010, an analysis of the top 50 political science journals showed that women were reasonably well represented as editors, associate editors, and board members compared to their numbers as senior faculty at PhD-granting institutions. As the presence of women in the profession has increased, have women kept up in these editorial positions? Overall, the data from 2018 suggest that they have. Although women are still significantly underrepresented as editors and associate editors at journals with small editorial staffs, they are well represented at those with medium-sized and large staffs. The proportion of women as board members also has kept pace with the proportion of female senior faculty at PhD-granting institutions, especially at the top five journals in the profession. There is still significant variation among journals but little change in their rankings: journals with the highest proportion of women as editors, associate editors, and board members in 2010 continued to lead the way in 2018.


2019 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 353-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonas B. Bunte

ABSTRACTWhy do students enroll in political science courses? I conducted an experiment designed to test the appeal of three possible motivations: students might hope to develop valuable skills, look for a better grasp of current events, or expect a deeper understanding of how the world works and their place within it. The experiment involved visiting several sections of Introduction to American Government courses. In each section, I advertised a political science course offered in the following semester. However, I varied the way in which the course was described and subsequently tracked whether students enrolled in it. I find that highlighting opportunities to develop skills does not have a significant effect on enrollment. In contrast, emphasizing “how the world works” is most effective at increasing enrollment. Qualitative evidence suggests that students are attracted to this type of course because it offers the opportunity for personal development and growth.


1964 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 378-402
Author(s):  
Dante Germino

Some fifty years ago, Douglas Ainslie wrote of Benedetto Croce: “I can lay no claim to having discovered an America, but I do claim to have discovered a Columbus.” Eric Voegelin, today at the height of his career as a political philosopher, scarcely needs to be discovered; he is regarded as a Columbus in the realms of the spirit by many concerned with the the oretical analysis of politics. But in the political science profession he has been more often ignored or systematically misunderstood than read for what he has to teach. Among those according an indifferent or hostile reception to Voegelin are many who, bewailing the recent “decline” of political theory, might have been expected to welcome the appearance of a thinker meticulously pointing the way to the recovery of political theory as a tradition of inquiry. The basic reasons for this curious reception will be alluded to in the course of this essay. The major objective, however, is to isolate the key elements in Voegelin's political theory and to give some indication of his general position in contemporary political science. Hopefully, the result will be to further the understanding of his work and the appreciation of his achievement.


1885 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 21-22
Author(s):  
A.J.G. Barolay

Now that more science has become the popular educational cry, there is a danger of raising too great expectations of what physical science can do, and so of paving the way for a reaction against it when it is found not to yield the results unduly expected of it. This arises mainly from basing the claims of physical science to a school place upon an exaggerated estimate of the value of the knowledge imparted, and from not admitting it as an educative agent capable of filling a unique place in the educational course. On account of the popular belief in the ultimate practical, or bread-and-butter value of science teaching, it has been introduced in many cases as an attraction in a school prospectus without adequate means being provided for efficiently carrying it on. In such cases it often takes the form of the popular lecture illustrated by experiments which requires no great mental application on the pupil's part, gives him amusement, and relieves him for the time from some of his dry daily routine, but which fills him at the same time with a false and mischievous notion of what science is. It is of great importance that the true place and aim of physical science in schools should be clearly recognised, not merely by scientific men and educationists, but also by the intelligent general public, for it is only when such recognition is general that the means of equipping and maintaining science work will be forthcoming.


Res Publica ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 627-650
Author(s):  
Christophe Pelgrims

Handbooks of political science aften refer to the minister and the civil service as actors in the policy process. In theory, this representation is correct. However, in Belgium and in Flanders ministers construct a ministerial cabinet around them. The cabinet takes over different tasks from policy preparation to evaluation. In this respect, it reduces the civil service to an office that is only responsible for the implementation of policy.  Frequently political-historical reasons are used to explain the existence of the system of ministerial cabinets. Nevertheless, these are not the only reasons. Ministerial cabinets also exist because of organisational and cultural reasons. Understanding the ministerial cabinet, means understanding the way ministers want to work. This article highlights the way ministerial cabinets work, with a focus on Human Resources aspects. This gives information in which direction the civil service should move to fulfil the role of a good partner for the minister.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document