scholarly journals SANKSI ADAT BATALNYA MELAKSANAKAN PERKAWINAN PADA MASYARAKAT DAYAK DESA (Studi Kasus di Desa Mengkirai Kecamatan Kayan Hilir Kabupaten Sintang)

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gadion SH
Keyword(s):  

Marriage is a gift from God Almighty as every human desires to find a life partner and build a household until separated by death. In carrying out the marriage, there is a relationship between men and women to come together in family. Hence, in aim to come together between two families, a meeting are needed between the men and women. This meeting are intended to deals with the implementation of the marriage party, annulment of marriage from man or woman which enable to cause a dispute between the two parties. Thus, the recovery must be done by a customary system.In result, the annulment of marriage which performed one-sidedly by both men and women in Dayak Desa community is one of disobedience custom. This is as a responsibility tha must be fulfilled for one party because it has been said as means as “lie” (Ngemula). Customary payments formed as “Tempayan”, 1 (rinti) of pig, a chicken, 4 kl rice (6 kulak), iron (nails), sarong cloth (kain Tapih) for opening words of each party Rp. 50,000,and the embarrassment cover money of Rp 1,000.000. These all customary range must be met by the party who annulled the marriage. The factors are caused to annul a marriage namely, the fear of building a household because there is no mental readiness and for not having a permanent job. Thus, the fear arises at the implementation of the marriage.Based on the conclusions mentioned above, the researcher suggest that range of customs of annulment of a lie marriages (Ngemula) in Mengkirai Desa, Kayan Hilir Subdistrict, Sintang Regency, It must be maintained based on the habits of the Dayak Desa community. Customary administrators in Mengkirai Village, Kayan Hilir Subdistrict, Sintang Regency, it is need to be more improved in socializing disobedience custom in the community. The improvement is needed to reduce the marriage annulment.

1990 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 327-334 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bill Bravman

In September 1987, early in my research at the Kenya National Archives, I came across a collection of photographs taken by a British missionary during the 1920s and early 1930s. The collection contained nearly 250 photos of the terrain and people of Kenya's Taita Hills, where I would soon be going for my fieldwork. I pored over the photo collection for a long time, and had reproductions made of twenty-five shots. The names of those pictured had been recorded in the photo album's captions. Many of the names were new to me, though a few WaTaita of the day who had figured prominently in the archival records were also captured on film. When I moved on to Taita in early 1988,1 took the photographs with me. Since I would be interviewing men and women old enough either to remember or be contemporaries of the people in the pictures, I planned to show the photos during the interviews. At first I was simply curious about who some of the people pictured were, but my curiosity quickly evolved into a more ambitious plan. I decided to try using the photographs as visual prompts to get people to speak more expansively than they otherwise might about their lives and their experiences.In the event, I learned that using the photographs in interviews involved many more complexities than I had envisaged in my initial enthusiasm. I found that I had to alter the expectations and techniques I took to Taita, and feel out some of the limitations of working with the photographic medium. I had to recognize the power relations embedded in my presence as a researcher in Taita, in my position as bearer of images from peoples' pasts, and in the photos themselves. I found, too, that I needed to come to grips with a number of issues about the politics of image production, and the historical product of those politics: the bounded, selected images that are photographs. Finally, I had to address some of my own cultural assumptions about photography and how people respond to pictures, assumptions that my informants did not necessarily share.


Church Life ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 193-211
Author(s):  
Anne Dunan-Page

This chapter examines the issue of absenteeism in seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century gathered churches through their manuscript church records. Absenteeism was the offence most frequently cited in disciplinary meetings, yet some members who were censured for absence were active supporters of their churches in other ways. This chapter focuses on those members who were never under a sentence of excommunication but who had ceased to be involved in church life and to take communion. It examines the question of Dissenting identity through lay participation, the reasons why men and women ceased to come to church, and what prompted them to seek reconciliation, sometimes decades after their first admission. Evidence is taken from manuscript church records belonging to Congregational, Particular Baptist, and General Baptist churches, spanning the period c.1640 to c.1714.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Matthew C. Bingham

Ushering the reader into both the world of early modern radical religion and the considerable body of scholarly literature devoted to its study, the introduction offers a précis of what is to come and a backward glance to explain how the proposed journey contributes to ongoing scholarly conversations. After orienting readers to the basic methodological boundaries within which the book will operate and briefly situating the book within the wider historiography, the introduction adumbrates the shape of the work as a whole and encapsulates its central argument. The introduction contends that the mid-seventeenth-century men and women often described as “Particular Baptists” would not have readily understood themselves as such. This tension between the self-identity of the early modern actors and the identity imposed upon them by future scholars has significant implications for how we understand both radical religion during the English Revolution and the period more broadly.


Author(s):  
Catharine Randall

The highly cultured, erudite, and learned Marguerite de Navarre (1492–1549) was the daughter of Charles d’Angoulême and Louise de Savoie, and the sister of the Renaissance king François I. Marguerite’s mother had insisted on a solid humanist education for her; like her brother, Marguerite was proficient in Latin, Hebrew, Spanish, and Italian, and read philosophy and theology. She was an avid reader whose own literary production was to be much influenced by figures such as Plato, Plutarch, and Boccaccio. Married to the unsatisfying, unintelligent Charles, duc d’Alençon, Marguerite began to come into her own upon her brother’s ascension to the throne in 1515. Indeed, when François I (whom she adored) was taken prisoner in Italy, Marguerite was instrumental in securing his eventual release. In many respects, Marguerite was what we would today call a Renaissance woman, for she was intimately involved in court life, the artistic production of the day, political and diplomatic negotiations, and contemporary educational (“humanist”) and religious discussions and controversies. Both her life and her writings were to inspire many other French men and women writers (among them Hélisenne de Crenne) many of them “evangelical” (such as Anne de Marquets). At Nérac, Marguerite gathered around her artists, thinkers, and writers whom she encouraged. As an avid and faithful patron of the arts, she had considerable influence that can still be discerned in France today. Marguerite’s second marriage to Henri d’Albret, king of Navarre, resulted in a daughter, Jeanne, the future spouse of Henri IV.


1984 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 1-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
George E. Brooks

“[A] desecration of our religion.”On the eve of All Saints' Day on November 1, 1898, a Portuguese army officer, Henrique Augusto Dias de Carvalho, observed a colorful and noisy crowd of people wending through the streets of Bolama beginning the celebration of dia dos finados (All Souls' Day), which day of supplication for the faithful departed is observed by Christians on November 2.The indigenous Christians generally from long-standing custom and according to local practices customarily pay homage to the dead on the second day of November, beginning this commemoration on the eve of All Saints' Day after midnight.They come out of their dwellings and gather at the door of the local church whence they proceed with little lights walking in procession through all the streets singing the Ave-Maria mixed with African songs.Men and women with fantastic costumes, as if it were carnival, and swigging aguardente and palm wine wander about for three entire nights in this manner until after daybreak; then they disperse, everyone returning to their dwellings, to come out again at night, and spending all day on the 2nd in singing and dancing. The groups combine this with alcoholic drinks and engage in lewd behavior, which debauchery attains its peak during the night of the 2nd until dawn, when after several hours of rest, the finale of the commemoration takes place, which consists of feasting and more drinking, inside or in the open air at a place some distance from the settlement, afterwards singing once again Ave-Marias for the souls of all the departed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (28) ◽  
pp. 553-573
Author(s):  
Glaucia De Oliveira Assis ◽  
Emerson César de Campos

AbstractThis article discusses the comings and goings of Brazilian migrants in the early 21st century. Returning is a constituent stage of the migration project. Many men and women, when setting out to America, claimed their intent to come back when completing their migration project, which is usually translated as acquiring enough resources to purchase a house, a vehicle, and to start a business. This article discusses how men and women go through the experience of returning to the homeland to analyze how they reconstruct the path home and which effects of travel appear in the identity configurations, as well as in familial and gender relations. “It’s easier to leave than to come back,” migrants say. Thus we intend to demonstrate that returning is more complex, and that, in several cases, migrants live between two places, forming a transnational identity. Keywords: Transnationalism. Return. Memory


2016 ◽  
Vol 30 (6) ◽  
pp. 935-957 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christie Sennott ◽  
Nicole Angotti

Using the threat of a severe AIDS epidemic in a collection of rural villages in South Africa, we illustrate how men and women reconsider gendered sexualities through conversations and interactions in everyday life. We draw from data collected by local ethnographers and focus on the processes through which men and women collectively respond to the threat posed by AIDS to relationships, families, and communities. Whereas previous research has shown that individuals often reaffirm hegemonic norms about gender and sexuality in response to disruptions to heteronormative gender relations, we find that the threat of AIDS provokes reconsideration of gendered sexualities at the community level. That is, our data demonstrate how men and women—through the interactions and exchanges that make up their daily lives—debate, challenge, make sense of, and attempt to come to terms with social norms circumscribing gendered sexual practices in a context where the threat of a fatal disease transmitted through sex looms large. We argue that ethnographic data are particularly useful for capturing communal responses to events that threaten heteronormative gender relations and reflect on how our findings inform theories of gender relations and processes.


1987 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 809-810 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jay Hewitt ◽  
Rebecca Henley

Men and women invaded the personal space of other men and women in bars and elevators. Men allowed invading women to come the closest followed by women being invaded by women, men being invaded by men, and women being invaded by men.


1999 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-234 ◽  
Author(s):  
DIANA WEBB

Pilgrimage is universally recognised by historians as a principal feature of medieval popular religion, if by ‘popular’ we mean something in which the ordinary laity fully participated. While we can be confident of the fact of this participation, accurate measures of its scale are less easy to come by, while putting names to the thousands of humble participants is less easy still. Narrative sources, such as chronicles and hagiographies, tend to describe the pilgrimages of the great and good (and also of the not so good), and even when, especially in and after the fourteenth century, pilgrims themselves begin to leave accounts of their journeys for their own satisfaction, or for the edification and information of others, they can be seen, almost by definition, as standing somewhat apart from the nameless masses because they are either literate themselves, or addressing a literate pilgrimage ‘public’.The task of putting not merely names, but faces, to ‘ordinary’ pilgrims is not quite hopeless, however, although the materials which make it possible vary in their availability and abundance at different times and places. Use has been made of monastic cartularies to trace at least fragments of the biographies and family histories of members of the knightly classes whose participation in pilgrimage, it has been argued, helped to foster the crusading movement. A little later, the records of English royal government reveal the names of numerous pilgrims who sought royal licence and safe-conduct for their travels, registered the appointment of attorneys for the duration of their absence, or, as witnesses at inquisitions post mortem, remembered births and deaths by the year in which they themselves, or kin or friends, went to the Holy Land, to Canterbury, Compostela or elsewhere. Some at least of these names are those of men (and women) who occur elsewhere in surviving records and about whose lives and connections it is therefore possible to know at least a little. From all over Christendom, too, there are wills, made by intending pilgrims as a necessary part of their preparations.


1997 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-72
Author(s):  
Ingrid Ljungberg van Beinum

Discussions between women and men about men and women form the focus of this article, These discussions took place in the context of an inter-organizational action research project. The position of women in organizations and the subordination of women in general is seen as a relational phenomenon. The relationship between women and men is considered paradigmatic and therefore constitutes the critical unit of analysis as well as the strategic unit of action in this study. The participating organizations had no difficulty in initiating collaboration between women and men and to get them to engage in a joint action to develop a program aimed at improving gender relationships. However, ambiguity emerges as the basic characteristic of gender relationships in view of the fundamental otherness of the other. Dialogue between men and women is not only shaped by the relationship between women and men, but is also forming and transforming it. Dialogue is both means and end, it is the subject as well as the context. Therefore, the criteria for an ethics of mediation, necessary for managing the inevitable ambiguity in the relationship between women and men through mutual respect for their differences, have to come from within the dialogue.


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