scholarly journals The Decolonization of Bolivia's Antinarcotics Policy?

2016 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 59-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alba Hesselroth
Keyword(s):  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Social Economic ◽  
The United States ◽  
Internal Colonialism ◽  
Cultural Rights ◽  
Peculiar Form ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Siglo Xx

This paper argues that a peculiar form of colonization developed during the 20th century in Bolivia's antinarcotics policy, comprised of features that resemble both external and internal colonialism. On the one hand, international institutions and the United States were able to impose a system of control and prohibition on the growing and consumption of coca leaf in the country. On the other hand, the governing elite supported by the US imposed their power and domination over coca farmers, introducing US-sponsored prohibition of the growing of coca leaf and promoting forced coca eradication, severely jeopardizing coca farmers’ rights. In contrast to previous administrations that passively accepted decisions taken in international forums regarding coca leaf classification as an illegal drug, and rigorously followed instructions issued by the US with respect to eradication of coca, the government of Evo Morales is acting to change this situation in a twofold effort in both international and national arenas. Through the analysis of policies issued by this government between 2006-2014, this paper argues that in its management of antinarcotics policy is pursuing a particular process of decolonization to defend traditional uses of coca leaf, protect social, economic and cultural rights of Andean indigenous peoples involved in its production and/or consumption, and promote economic development of areas where coca is grown.Este artículo sostiene que, en el siglo XX, se desarrolló una forma peculiar de colonización en la política antinarcótica de Bolivia, compuesta por rasgos parecidos a los del colonialismo externo e interno. Por una parte, las instituciones internacionales y los Estados Unidos lograron imponer en el país un sistema de control y prohibición del cultivo y consumo de la hoja de coca. Por otra parte,  la élite gobernante apoyada por los EE.UU. impuso su poder y dominio sobre los cocaleros al introducir esta prohibición  y promover la erradicación forzosa de la coca con el auspicio de EE.UU., poniendo en severo peligro los derechos de los  cocaleros. A diferencia de anteriores gobiernos que aceptaron pasivamente las decisiones tomadas en foros internacionales acerca de la clasificación de la hoja de coca como droga ilegal y siguieron con rigor las instrucciones de los EE.UU. acerca de la erradicación de la coca, el gobierno de Evo Morales está actuando para cambiar la situación  en un doble esfuerzo internacional y nacional. Analizando las políticas de este gobierno entre 2006-2014, este artículo sostiene que en el manejo de la política antinarcótica está siguiendo un proceso particular de descolonización para defender los usos tradicionales de la hoja de coca y proteger los derechos sociales, económicos y culturales de las poblaciones andinas involucradas en su producción y/o consumo, y promover el desarrollo económico de las áreas donde se cultiva.

Net Neutrality Policies and Regulation in the United States

2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 151-173 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark A. Jamison
Keyword(s):  
Service Providers ◽  
The United States ◽  
Net Neutrality ◽  
Internet Service ◽  
Regulatory Issue ◽  
Technology Industry ◽  
The Us ◽  
Transmission Of Information ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One

Abstract The US debate about net neutrality has been unusually contentious for a telecommunications regulatory issue, most recently culminating in a 2017 reversal of a 2015 decision to apply traditional telephone regulations, written for a monopoly era, to internet service providers. This article reviews this history, beginning 1956 when the government first imposed an industry boundary between transmission of information on the one hand, and the creation and processing of information on the other. This regulatory legacy remains embedded in US law and has led to some of the muddle. This article also examines the academic literature relating to net neutrality. On this, the answers found in the literature vary depending on assumptions made about technology, industry structure, and industry practices. When the answer to the question of whether regulations are beneficial is “it depends,” and the scenarios that give different answers are realistic, it would seem that the policy approach should favor applying competition and consumer protection laws that address problems when they occur rather than ex ante regulations, which would be certain to harm at least in some situations.

The Normalization of Sino-French Diplomatic Relations in 1964 and the Formation of the “One-China” Principle: Negotiations over Breaking French Diplomatic Relations with the Republic of China Government and the Recognition of the People’s Republic of China as the Sole Legitimate Government

2012 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 252-271
Author(s):  
Madoka Fukuda
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Republic Of China ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One

AbstractThis article examines the substance and modification of the “One-China” principle, which the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) pursued in the mid 1960s. Under this principle, a country wishing to establish diplomatic relations with the PRC was required first to break off such relations with the Republic of China (ROC). In 1964 the PRC established diplomatic relations with France. This was its first ambassadorial exchange with a Western government. The PRC, in the negotiations over the establishment of diplomatic relations, attempted to achieve some consensus with France on the matter of “One-China”. The PRC, nevertheless, had to abandon these attempts, even though it demanded fewer conditions of France than of the United States (USA), Japan and other Western countries in the 1970s. The PRC had demanded adherence to the “One-China” principle since 1949. France, however, refused to accept this condition. Nevertheless, the PRC established diplomatic relations with France before the latter broke off relations with the ROC. Subsequently, the PRC abandoned the same condition in negotiations with the African governments of the Republic of Congo, Central Africa, Dahomey and Mauritania. After the negotiations with France, the PRC began to insist that the joint communiqué on the establishment of diplomatic relations should clearly state that “the Government of the People’s Republic of China is the sole legal government of China”. However, France refused to insert these words into the communiqué. Afterwards, the PRC nevertheless insisted on putting such a statement into the joint communiqués or exchanges of notes on the establishment of diplomatic relations with the African countries mentioned above. This was done in order to set precedents for making countries accede to the “One-China” principle. The “One-China” principle was, thus, gradually formed in the process of the negotiation and bargaining between the PRC and other governments.

scholarly journals Desacoplamento entre as Emissões de CO2 e o PIB

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 37-53
Author(s):  
Yves Rocha De Salles Lima ◽  
Tatiane Stellet Machado ◽  
Joao Jose de Assis Rangel
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Co2 Emissions ◽  
International Energy Agency ◽  
The United States ◽  
Oil Price ◽  
Gdp Per Capita ◽  
Energy Agency ◽  
The Us ◽  
Per Capita ◽  
The One

The objetive of this work is to analyze the variation of CO2 emissions and GDP per capita throughout the years and identify the possible interaction between them. For this purpose, data from the International Energy Agency was collected on two countries, Brazil and the one with the highest GDP worldwide, the United States. Thus, the results showed that CO2 emissions have been following the country’s economic growth for many years. However, these two indicators have started to decouple in the US in 2007 while in Brazil the same happened in 2011. Furthermore, projections for CO2 emissions are made until 2040, considering 6 probable scenarios. These projections showed that even if the oil price decreases, the emissions will not be significantly affected as long as the economic growth does not decelerate.

scholarly journals When crises collide—Policing a pandemic during social unrest

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 97-103
Author(s):  
Marie C. Jipguep-Akhtar ◽  
Tia Dickerson ◽  
Denae Bradley
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Law Enforcement ◽  
The United States ◽  
Racial Equality ◽  
Police Legitimacy ◽  
Social Unrest ◽  
Police Powers ◽  
Disparate Treatment ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One

In 2020, the United States was shaken by concurrent crises: the COVID-19 pandemic and protests for racial equality. Both crises present significant challenges for law enforcement. On the one hand, the protests for racial equality drew the public’s attention to the criminal justice system’s disparate treatment of Blacks and other people of colour. On the other hand, the pandemic required the expansion of police duties to enforce public health mandates. To ensure compliance, law enforcement may arrest, detain, and even use force to prevent the transmission of communicable diseases that may have an irreversible impact on human health, such as COVID-19. Policing, however, is at a critical point in America. The government is expanding police powers for the sake of public health; all the while, public indignation about police (ab)uses of power has fuelled calls for its defunding. It is therefore important to explore Americans’ views of policing pandemics during periods of social unrest, focusing on the recognition that socio-economic and racial inequities shape perceptions. The data from this project derives from surveys with Americans on the specific topics of race, policing, racial protests, and COVID-19. The study finds that Americans perceive the police as legitimate overall; however, there are divergences based on race, gender, and marital status. These differences may contribute meaningful insights to the current discourse on police legitimacy in America.

scholarly journals The Future of Turkey - United States Relations

Jurnal ICMES ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-196
Author(s):  
Firmanda Taufiq
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Future ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Role Of The Government

Throughout 2018, relations between Turkey and the United States seemed to deteriorate. The leaders of the two countries issued sharp diplomatic statements and the US even imposed economic sanctions on Turkey. This article aims to analyze how the future of relations between Turkey and the United States. Cooperation between the two has a long historical side after the Cold War. Relations between the two countries are based on various interests, both economic, political, military and security interests. The theory used in this study is the theory of national interest. The US has great interests in the Middle East and Turkey is the front-line ally in achieving those interests. However, there are many US foreign policies that ignore the Turkish concern and create tensions between the two countries. On the contrary, Turkey also has considerable economic interests, but the role of the government elite (in this case, President Erdogan) has a significant influence in the determination of Turkish foreign policy. The findings of this study, although it will go through complex challenges and processes, the US and Turkey will continue to maintain their relations.

scholarly journals Warlords, the United States, and the state of anarchy in Afghanistan

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmad Shah Azami
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
State Building ◽  
The State ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
Illegal Mining ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

As part of its “War on Terror”, the United States (US) provided immense sums of money and advanced equipment to Afghan warlords in order to defeat and dismantle the Taliban and al-Qaeda in Afghanistan. Nearly two decades after the 2001 US-led intervention in Afghanistan that toppled the Taliban regime, the US continues supporting the warlords in various ways. As the intervention was also aimed at establishing a functioning state and reconstruction of the war-torn country, the US needed the support of local warlords to achieve its goals. However, over time, warlords and warlordism became a major challenge to the postTaliban state-building project and in many ways undermined the overall security and the state monopoly on violence. These warlords, who had been mostly expelled and defeated by the Taliban regime, returned under the aegis of the B52 bombers, recaptured parts of the country and reestablished their fiefdoms with US support and resources. They not only resist giving up the power and prestige they have accumulated over the past few years, but also hamper the effort to improve governance and enact necessary reforms in the country. In addition, many of them run their private militias and have been accused of serious human rights abuses as well as drug trafficking, arms smuggling, illegal mining and extortion in the areas under their control or influence. In many ways, they challenge the government authority and have become a major hurdle to the country’s emerging from lawlessness and anarchy. This paper explores the emergence and reemergence of warlords in Afghanistan as well as the evolution of chaos and anarchy in the country, especially after the US-led intervention of late 2001. It also analyzes the impact of the post-9/11 US support to Afghan warlords and its negative consequences for the overall stability and the US-led state-building process in Afghanistan.

scholarly journals MANDATORY DEATH PENALTY IN THE GLOBALIZED WORLD

2016 ◽  
pp. 0-0
Author(s):  
Ирина Нагорная ◽  
Irina Nagornaya
Keyword(s):  
Death Penalty ◽  
The United States ◽  
Global Trend ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Supreme Court ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Points Of View ◽  
The Government ◽  
Globalized World ◽  
Further Development

The subject of this research is the death penalty as a mandatory punishment for the most serious crimes in the United States, Asia and the Caribbean and corresponding constitutional problems. The author analyses foreign courts’ judgments and foreign researchers’ points of view. The author considers the influence of the jurisprudence of the US Supreme Court on the countries with similar legal systems, the importance of legal thought in other countries for further development of law-enforcement practice in a particular region and the globalized world. The author analyzes inconsistent position of Singapore, as well as the indecisiveness of the government of Malaysia, because until recently these two countries were fervent supporters of the mandatory death penalty in the Commonwealth. The author supports the global trend towards the abolition of the mandatory death penalty and the fact that the “Asian values” are not an insurmountable barrier to achieve this goal.

scholarly journals Confronting the North’s South: On Race and Violence in the United States

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elliot Currie
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Social Economic ◽  
The United States ◽  
Cultural Development ◽  
Southern History ◽  
Life And Death ◽  
Crime And Punishment ◽  
The Us ◽  
Northern Country ◽  
Structural Roots

More than any other ‘Northern’ country, the United States is distinctive in the degree to which its social, economic, and cultural development has been entwined with the global South from the beginning: and we cannot adequately understand the state of crime and punishment in the US without taking that uniquely ‘Southern’ history into account. In this paper, I sketch some of the dimensions of one crucial reflection of that Southern legacy: the extraordinary racial disparities in the experience of violent death between African-Americans and Whites. These disparities contribute substantially to radically different patterns of life and death between the races, and constitute a genuine social and public health emergency. But their structural roots remain largely unaddressed; and in some respects, the prospects for seriously confronting these fundamental inequalities may be receding.

The Effects of the Westward Movement on California's Growth and Development, 1900–1920

1969 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 20-35
Author(s):  
Frank L. Beach
Keyword(s):  
Social Economic ◽  
The United States ◽  
American Experience ◽  
Present Essay ◽  
United States Population ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Social ◽  
Westward Movement ◽  
The One ◽  
The Impact

Internal migration is a growing social phenomenon of today's America: a third of the United States population live in a different state from the one in which they have been born. This, however, has been a constant aspect of the American experience. The author of the present essay analyzes in an historical perspective the growth of California from 1900–1920 under the impact of the westward movement. The social, economic and political implications of the California development are the main features of this paper.

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