scholarly journals Feeding Revolution: The Black Panther Party and the Politics of Food

2014 ◽  
Vol 98 ◽  
pp. 43-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Potorti

This chapter examines the role of food in the symbolic politics and practical agenda of the Black Panther Party (BPP), founded in the late 1960s in Oakland, California.  Situating hunger and the politics of food at the center of drives for racial justice, it argues that the BPP’s anti-hunger efforts and food-centered campaigns were driven by an implicit understanding of the power of food in battles over racialized definitions of personhood, a forum for both enforcing and resisting hegemonic authority.  From this vantage, the Panthers and their allies in the East Bay community utilized the Party’s popular food programs, specifically its Free Breakfast for School Children Program, as staging grounds to prepare for a revolutionary overthrow of the socio-economic order.  In addition to strengthening the physical bodies of African Americans to ensure their “survival pending revolution,” the food programs served a deeper organizing function by encouraging community members to come together to meet an immediate, practical need and, in doing so, to visualize themselves as part of a larger movement for change.  The Panthers’ subsequent demands for consumer rights and calls for conscientious consumption (both as purchasers and eaters of food) highlighted the role of food politics in perpetuating racial injustice while demonstrating the capacity for food-related protest to challenge structures of hunger and patterns of widespread malnourishment.

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 338-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael L. Rosino

While the historical and ongoing symbolic and material inequalities and violence faced by African Americans can be understood as a human rights violation, the efficacy of the human rights framework for addressing racial injustice in the United States remains contested. In this article, I examine the relationship between the emergence and dominance of the geopolitical doctrine of human rights and the struggle for racial justice in the United States. Through historical, legal, and sociological analysis of relevant issues and cases, I discern the benefits and limitations of the human rights framework for achieving racial justice and elucidate dynamics between relevant institutional, political, and social actors. I argue that the human rights framework opens international pathways for information, accountability, and symbolic politics conducive to combating racial injustice, particularly regarding overt manifestations of oppression and violence, but enduring issues such as the role of the state in racial politics and the dehumanization of people of color present hindrances.


2021 ◽  
pp. 096701062199722 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nivi Manchanda ◽  
Chris Rossdale

The past ten years have witnessed a revival in scholarship on militarism, through which scholars have used the concept to make sense of the embeddedness of warlike relations in contemporary liberal societies and to account for how the social, political and economic contours of those same societies are implicated in the legitimation and organization of political violence. However, a persistent shortcoming has been the secondary role of race and coloniality in these accounts. This article demonstrates how we might position racism and colonialism as integral to the functioning of contemporary militarism. Centring the thought and praxis of the US Black Panther Party, we argue that the particular analysis developed by Black Panther Party members, alongside their often-tense participation in the anti–Vietnam War movement, offers a strong reading of the racialized and colonial politics of militarism. In particular, we show how their analysis of the ghetto as a colonial space, their understanding of the police as an illegitimate army of occupation and, most importantly, Huey Newton’s concept of intercommunalism prefigure an understanding of militarism premised on the interconnections between racial capitalism, violent practices of un/bordering and the dissolving boundaries between war and police action.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 30-48
Author(s):  
Crystal Am Nelson

This photo essay attempts to map some of the historical moments that likely influenced the birth of the black panther as an icon and hero in the worlds of both political activism and comic books. From its initial appearance in Alabama to its incarnation in Oakland, the black panther has stood the test of time and remained an index of Black power. This essay examines the births of the Lowndes County Freedom Movement, Marvel's Black Panther character, and the Black Panther Party—all in 1966. The founding of that first proves to be a seminal, highly influential moment that presaged what was to come later that year. The events described trace how community action transformed into black power–cum–panther power.


2009 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 351-375 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOE STREET

This article examines forty years of historical writing on the Black Panther Party (BPP), arguing that this historiography has now reached maturity. It evaluates key publications on the BPP, splitting the historiography into three periods. The first phase, the article asserts, was dominated by accounts written by participants and observers of the BPP in action. These offered insight into the personalities of the BPP leadership but included relatively little on other BPP members. They were supplemented by a collection of friendly academic studies, a number of which emphasized the role of the FBI in precipitating the BPP's decline. The article identifies the 1994 publication of Hugh Pearson's biographical study of Huey P. Newton as the beginning of a second phase. Pearson's work, which built on a collection of accounts written by observers and right-wing writers during the first phase, precipitated an outpouring of new studies that opposed its conclusions. These works overwhelmingly focussed on individual BPP chapters and the experiences of the BPP rank and file; they were generally friendly towards the party and often appraised the BPP's actions through the 1970s. A second wave of participant accounts also emerged in this period which offered a more personal interpretation of the BPP's decline. A third period emerged in the early 2000s that abandoned the obsession with Pearson's study and focussed instead on the BPP's contribution to African American and American culture beyond its political program and violent image. The article reveals the paradox at the heart of the local approach, one which recent studies addressed in their focus on the BPP's Oakland chapter and their return to a tight chronological approach that focussed on the BPP's peak years. It concludes by noting the remaining omissions in the BPP's historical record and anticipating further studies.


2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 195-217
Author(s):  
ANDREW M. FEARNLEY

AbstractHistorians of America's post-war social movements have said little about the financial underpinnings of activism, and this article aims to address this oversight. It focuses on the Black Panther Party, which was formed in Oakland, California, in 1966, and was soon one of America's most visible, and controversial, black power organizations. The article sketches the array of funding sources from which the party drew, and reconstructs the apparatus it fashioned to steward those resources. It condenses the discussion to one of the organization's most lucrative streams, that of book publishing, and relates this to the period's literary culture, which, in the US, witnessed a ‘black revolution in books’. Between 1968 and 1975, members of the party published some ten books, which together raised $250,000 in advances, and additional sums through their sale, serialization, and translation. The production of these works relied on the assistance of several freelance writers, and was guided by the party's commercial agency, Stronghold Consolidated Productions. By recovering the role of these groups and the infrastructure they fashioned, the article shows how publishing was connected to the wider financial structure of the organization, and prompts us to see that the Panthers’ books were not just accounts of their activism, but examples of it.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2/3) ◽  
pp. 616-635
Author(s):  
Joshua R. Gregory

Whiteness—distinct from individuals who identify as white—is a social construction; and social constructions, by definition, can be disassembled. Whiteness is also wholly constituted by and inseparable from white supremacy, and thus exists purely as racial injustice. These are historical facts. Consequently, racial justice demands that whiteness be dismantled and abolished. Social work, as a profession committed to racial justice, is directly implicated in this imperative. Yet, due to misunderstanding and unawareness, the above facts register with most social workers as exaggerated claims, baseless untruths, or ideological propaganda. Social work requires a historically accountable critical whiteness curriculum in order to correct this pervasive misunderstanding and to facilitate informed participation in the pursuit of racial justice in a way that accurately apprehends the nature of whiteness. This curriculum, introduced here, explores the history and invention of whiteness in global, U.S., and social work contexts; examines the integral role of education in deploying and maintaining whiteness; and considers reconstruction and abolition as alternative modes of responding to whiteness as a social problem. The curriculum ultimately shows abolition to be the only historically and theoretically consistent response to whiteness, leading to a call for abolition as praxis and for further curricular development.


Author(s):  
Sara Awartani

In late September 2018, multiple generations of Chicago’s storied social movements marched through Chicago’s Lincoln Park neighborhood as part of the sold-out, three-day Young Lords Fiftieth Anniversary Symposium hosted by DePaul University—an institution that, alongside Mayor Richard J. Daley’s administration, had played a sizeable role in transforming Lincoln Park into a neighborhood “primed for development.” Students, activists, and community members—from throughout Chicago, the Midwest, the East Coast, and even as far as Texas—converged to celebrate the history of Puerto Ricans in Chicago, the legacies of the Young Lords, and the promises and possibilities of resistance. As Elaine Brown, former chairwoman and minister of information for the Black Panther Party, told participants in the second day’s opening plenary, the struggle against racism, poverty, and gentrification and for self-determination and the general empowerment of marginalized people is a protracted one. “You have living legends among you,” Brown insisted, inviting us to associate as equals with the Young Lords members in our midst. Her plea encapsulated the ethos of that weekend’s celebrations: “If we want to be free, let us live the light of the Lords.”


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 100
Author(s):  
Elvira Junita ◽  
Yuli Handayani ◽  
Lufita Nur Alfiah

AbstrakPermasalahan kesehatan yang timbul saat ini merupakan akibat dari perilaku hidup yang tidak sehat. Gaya hidup yang kurang baik mengakibatkan tingginya angka kejadian Penyakit Tidak Menular, Di Desa Rambah Hilir kunjungan penderita hipertensi dan diabetes di Puskesmas Rambah Hilir I di tahun 2018 ini sampai bulan Juni 66 kasus Hipertensi 27 Kasus Diabetes. Gerakan Masyarakat Hidup Sehat (GERMAS) merupakan progam Pemerintah untuk mengajak masyarakat hidup sehat dengan focus pada 3 kegiatan utama yaitu melakukan aktifitas fisik, makan buah sayur dan cek kesehatan secara rutin minimal enam bulan sekali.Dalam Program Kemitraan Masyarakat ini upaya yang dilakukan adalah meningkatkan gaya hidup sehat yakni meningkatnya aktifitas fisik yang dilakukan dengan melaksanakan kegiatan rutin senam bersama setiap hari minggu dan meningkatkan konsumsi buah dan sayur dengan memanfaatkan lahan perkarangan rumah warga dengan menanam buah dan sayur dihalaman rumah untuk memenuhi kebutuhan konsumsi buah dan sayur. Upaya Peningkatan peran masyarakat dalam memeriksakan kesehatannya dengan mendirikan posko kesehatan untuk memudahkan masyarakat dalam memeriksa kesehatannya. Luaran yang telah dicapai adalah Adanya kegiatan senam rutin, meningkatnya konsumsi buah dan sayur dengan Adanya tanaman buah dan sayur disetiap rumah warga, makan buah dan sayur bersama setiap hari minggu, Adanya pemeriksaan kesehatan secara berkala.Abstract.Health problems that currently emergeare resulted from unhealthy living behaviours. A bad lifestyle causes an increase innon-communicable diseases cases. According to patient visit data until June 2018 at the community health centre (Puskesmas) Rambah Hilir I, Rambah Hilir Village, Rokan Hulu, Riau, it shows that there were 66 cases of hypertension and 27 cases of diabetes.The Healthy Life Society Movement (GERMAS) is a government program to encourage people to live a healthy lifestyle focusing on 3 main activities namely physical activities, eating vegetables, together with regular health check-upsat least once every 6 months. This community partnership program attempts to enhance the healthy lifestyle by intensifying physical activitiesthrough a routine collective exercise on every Sunday and increasing fruits and vegetables consumption. The community members’ yards are used as land to grow fruits and vegetables for meeting the community’s needs. Regarding the effort to improve the role of the community members to check their health, it was carried out by establishing a health post to facilitate them in checking-up their health. Outputs that have been achieved are the routine exercise; an increase in fruits and vegetables consumptionasthere are fruit and vegetable plants in every resident's houses; eating fruits and vegetables collectively on every Sunday; as well as regular health check-ups.


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