scholarly journals Insurance pricing discrimination and Aristotelian equality: an application to annuity pricing

Author(s):  
David A. Cather

International courts often apply the social justice standard of Aristotelian equality—treating like people alike and unlike people differently—to cases involving insurance pricing discrimination. This article examines whether the use of insurance pricing variables like gender and race results in discriminatory pricing categories consisting of heterogeneous policyowners, in violation of Aristotelian equality. This article applies this discrimination standard to the pricing of annuities, drawing from studies investigating the racial mortality crossover, findings that show that the mortality rate of Black Americans falls below the rate of White Americans at advanced ages. Based on the crossover literature, this study demonstrates how race-based annuity pricing would be discriminatory because it results in heterogeneous pricing within racial pricing categories, but that insurers can control for this heterogeneity by using the wider variety of annuity pricing data (e.g., medical history, diseases, and smoking) developed in the enhanced annuity submarket. The article demonstrates how the increased use of data analytics in insurance pricing to control for heterogeneity is consistent with Aristotelian equality.

Introduction- Health inequalities occur in every society, until a society understands the extent of social injustice drive for change is undermined. Hence this examination of mortality of America’s Ethnic groups. Method: This study’s novel approach analyses differences of 33 mortalities of Asian, Black, Hispanic, Indian/Alaskan and White American people’s Age-Standardised-Death-Rates per million (pm). Based upon National Vital Statistics and comparative ratios are calculated for each ethnicity. Results – Black American had highest death rate 8761pm, Asian Americans lowest 3962pm. Black and Indian/Alaskan Americans had highest rates for most categories, White Americans were highest for nine. Asian and Hispanic Americans substantially lower than other groups. Black Americans had 11 higher and 10 substantially lower than White American deaths. Indian/Alaskan Americans had 10 higher and 7 substantially lower than White Americans. If Black Americans had matched the average mortality of the other groups there would have been 94,422 fewer deaths. Unexpected findings included Black Americans having lower mortalities in specific categories such as neurological disease and some cancer sites. Conclusions: Patterns of mortality strongly suggest links to relative poverty, which are barriers to social justice. While such disparities between the ethnicities remain, they are significant barriers to the pursuit of social justice.


2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 674-693 ◽  
Author(s):  
LIONEL K. MCPHERSON

ABSTRACT:‘Race’ has long searched for a stable, suitable idea, with no consensus on a master meaning in sight. What I call deflationary pluralism about the existence of race recognizes that various meanings may be true as far as they go but avoids murky disputes over whether there are races in some sense. Once we have rejected the notion that racial essences yield innate cognitive differences, there is little point to arguing over the race idea. In its place, I propose the idea of socioancestry, which jettisons racial thinking yet recognizes the social dynamics of color. For example, Black Americans, many of whom have traceable non-African ancestry, constitute an Africa-identified, socioancestrally black subgroup. ‘Race’ talk is not needed to sustain legitimate color-conscious approaches to social identity and social justice. Long-standing fixation on the race idea has obscured the simple truth that visible continental ancestry is the root of the social reality of color consciousness.


2010 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 417-422
Author(s):  
Karen M. Kaufmann

During the historic 2008 election, media pundits from far and wide proclaimed that Barack Obama was coming to power in a new post-racial era. The most enduring divide in American politics had apparently become passé, and the racial cleavages that have defined the social, economic, and political landscape since the country's founding somehow had become transformed. The actual election results did little to support this point of view, however. Approximately ninety-five percent of Black Americans supported Obama, as did approximately two-thirds of Latinos and Asian Americans. White Americans did not reject Obama out of hand, with forty-three percent supporting him, but race was not inconsequential to the vote (Pasek et al., 2009). Race clearly mattered in 2008, as it does now.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Kachanoff ◽  
Nour Kteily ◽  
Thomas Khullar ◽  
Hyun Joon Park ◽  
Donald Taylor

Groups experience collective autonomy restriction whenever they perceive that other groups attempt to limit the freedom of their group to determine and express its own identity. We argue that collective autonomy restriction motivates groups (both structurally advantaged and disadvantaged) to improve their power position within the social hierarchy. Four studies spanning real-world (Studies 1 and 2) and lab-based (Studies 3 and 4) intergroup contexts supported these ideas. In Study 1 (N=311), Black Americans’ (a relatively disadvantaged group) experience of collective autonomy restriction was associated with greater support for collective action, and less system justification. In Study 2, we replicated these findings with another sample of Black Americans (N=292). We also found that collective autonomy restriction was positively associated with White Americans’ (a relatively advantaged group, N=294) support for collective action and ideologies that bolster White’s dominant position. In Study 3 (N=387, 97 groups), groups that were susceptible to being controlled by a high-power group (i.e., were of low structural power) desired group power more when their collective autonomy was restricted (versus supported). In Study 4 (N=803, 257 groups) experiencing collective autonomy restriction (versus support) increased low-power group members’ support of collective action, decreased system justification, and evoked hostile emotions, both when groups were and were not materially exploited (by being tasked with more than their fair share of work). Across studies, we differentiate collective autonomy restriction from structural group power, other forms of injustice, group agency, and group identification. These findings indicate that collective autonomy restriction uniquely motivates collective behavior.


Introduction- Health inequalities occur in every society, until a society understands the extent of social injustice drive for change is undermined. Hence this examination of mortality of America’s Ethnic groups. Method: This study’s novel approach analyses differences of 33 mortalities of Asian, Black, Hispanic, Indian/Alaskan and White American people’s Age-Standardised-Death-Rates per million (pm). Based upon National Vital Statistics and comparative ratios are calculated for each ethnicity. Results – Black American had highest death rate 8761pm, Asian Americans lowest 3962pm. Black and Indian/Alaskan Americans had highest rates for most categories, White Americans were highest for nine. Asian and Hispanic Americans substantially lower than other groups. Black Americans had 11 higher and 10 substantially lower than White American deaths. Indian/Alaskan Americans had 10 higher and 7 substantially lower than White Americans. If Black Americans had matched the average mortality of the other groups there would have been 94,422 fewer deaths. Unexpected findings included Black Americans having lower mortalities in specific categories such as neurological disease and some cancer sites. Conclusions: Patterns of mortality strongly suggest links to relative poverty, which are barriers to social justice. While such disparities between the ethnicities remain, they are significant barriers to the pursuit of social justice.


Author(s):  
Charles Ellis ◽  
Molly Jacobs

Health disparities have once again moved to the forefront of America's consciousness with the recent significant observation of dramatically higher death rates among African Americans with COVID-19 when compared to White Americans. Health disparities have a long history in the United States, yet little consideration has been given to their impact on the clinical outcomes in the rehabilitative health professions such as speech-language pathology/audiology (SLP/A). Consequently, it is unclear how the absence of a careful examination of health disparities in fields like SLP/A impacts the clinical outcomes desired or achieved. The purpose of this tutorial is to examine the issue of health disparities in relationship to SLP/A. This tutorial includes operational definitions related to health disparities and a review of the social determinants of health that are the underlying cause of such disparities. The tutorial concludes with a discussion of potential directions for the study of health disparities in SLP/A to identify strategies to close the disparity gap in health-related outcomes that currently exists.


2019 ◽  
Vol 73 (2) ◽  
pp. 72-79
Author(s):  
Carla Marcantonio

FQ books editor Carla Marcantonio guides readers through the 33rd edition of Il Cinema Ritrovato Festival held each year in Bologna at the end of June. Highlights of this year's festival included a restoration of one of Vittorio De Sica's hard-to-find and hence lesser-known films, the social justice fairy tale, Miracolo a Milano (Miracle in Milan, 1951). The film was presented by De Sica's daughter, Emi De Sica, and was an example of the ongoing project to restore De Sica's archive, which was given to the Cineteca de Bologna in 2016. Marcantonio also notes her unexpected responses to certain reviewings; Apocalypse Now: Final Cut (2019), presented by Francis Ford Coppola on the large-scale screen of Piazza Maggiore and accompanied by remastered Dolby Atmos sound, struck her as a tour-de-force while a restoration of David Lynch's Blue Velvet (1986) had lost some of its strange allure.


2020 ◽  
Vol 81 (3) ◽  
pp. 120-126
Author(s):  
Jennifer Brady

Purpose: To explore dietetic practitioners’ perceptions of their education and training in the knowledge, skills, and confidence to understand social justice issues and to engage in socially just dietetic practice and social justice advocacy. Methods: An online semi-qualitative survey sent to Canadian dietitians. Results: Most respondents (n = 264; 81.5%) felt that knowledge- and skill-based learning about social justice and social justice advocacy should be a part of dietetic education and training. Reasons given by respondents for the importance of social justice learning include: client-centred care and reflexive practice, effecting change to the social and structural determinants of health, preventing dietitian burnout, and relevance of the profession. Yet, over half of respondents either strongly disagreed or disagreed that they were adequately prepared with the knowledge (n = 186; 57.4%), skills (n = 195; 60.2%), or confidence (n = 196; 60.5%) to engage in advocacy related to social justice concerns. Some questioned the practicality of adding social justice learning via additional courses to already full programs, while others proposed infusing a social justice lens across dietetic education and practice areas. Conclusions: Dietetic education and training must do more to prepare dietitians to answer calls for dietitians to engage in social justice issues through practice and advocacy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 110 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-45

The society of medieval Europe had specific expectations for marriageable girls. From an early age girls were taught how to be wives and mothers, for example by being entrusted with the care of their younger siblings. The girls learned everything they would need in the future by observation. According to the teachings of preachers and writers at the time, girls, irrespective of their social status, were not meant to remain idle, as there were fears that with too much free time on their hands, they might spend it contemplating their looks, practising gestures that were to attract the attention of men or spending time alone in the streets and squares, thus exposing themselves to a variety of dangers. A wife was expected to bear a lot of children, preferably boys, because the mortality rate among young children was high at the time. Wifely duties also included raising children, at least until they were taken over by, for example, a tutor hired by the father, managing the household and ensuring every possible comfort for the husband. As Gilbert of Tournai noted, it was the mother who was expected to bring up the children in faith and to teach them good manners. The duties of the wife obviously depended on her social standing — different duties were expected from the wives of noblemen than from women lower down on the social ladder, who often had to help their husbands, in addition to doing everyday chores.


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