A Comparative Study on the Freshmen of the Ruling Party in the 17th and the 21st National Assembly

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 37-65
Author(s):  
Sangjoon Ka
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Study ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Ruling Party

Crisis may spell end of South Korea's Park presidency

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Economic Reform ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Content Type ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Reform Agenda ◽  
Security Clearance ◽  
International Pressure ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Ruling Party

Subject Political crisis in South Korea. Significance President Park Geun-hye, whose leadership has been characterised foremost by scandals and the failure of every major policy initiative, faces her worst crisis yet. She admitted on October 25 to sharing official documents with Choi Sun-sil -- a long-time associate who has no formal post or security clearance. Park sacked all her senior secretaries on October 28, and the next day prosecutors searched the presidential office, and demonstrators called on Park to resign. Yesterday Choi flew back from Germany, where she had been lying low since July, saying she will co-operate with investigations. To opposition outrage, no move was made to arrest her upon arrival. Impacts The crisis is deeply negative for governance, domestically and abroad, especially if lines of authority in Seoul become contested. Park now has no standing left to press any elements of her fraying economic reform agenda. The National Assembly, normally secondary to the executive branch, will become the main locus of power for the time being. Though the ruling party seeks to distance itself, the scandal boosts the opposition's chances of regaining the presidency. The already flagging push (which Park spearheaded) for greater international pressure on Pyongyang will lose further momentum.

Tanzania parties bill will tighten Magufuli’s grip

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Judicial Independence ◽  
Budget Process ◽  
Content Type ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
High Court ◽  
Ruling Party

Subject Tanzania's political parties bill. Significance On January 14, the High Court denied an opposition petition seeking to prevent a controversial set of amendments to the 2002 Political Parties Act being tabled in Tanzania’s National Assembly. The reforms would give the Registrar of Political Parties considerable powers to interfere in internal party processes. Impacts Stifling dissent will weaken the budget process, enabling more off-budget expenditures and likely populist budgets ahead of 2020 elections. Judicial independence will be tested as cases challenging this legislation or decisions such as the ban on political rallies multiply. Ruling party dissenters will have less room for manoeuvre, leaving them more reliant on any moderating influence party elders may have.

Ecuador's left is down but far from out

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Vice President ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Economic Uncertainty ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Content Type ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
Face Former ◽  
Election Results ◽  
Ruling Party

Significance The first round's leading candidate, former Vice-President Lenin Moreno, of the leftist ruling party Alianza Pais, will face former banker and centre-right candidate Guillermo Lasso on April 2. The announcement came amid accusations of fraud and growing criticism over the delays in releasing the official results. Impacts The election results will increase economic uncertainty and dampen economic activity in the short term. Political tensions will rise as the two presidential candidates battle to secure votes outside of their core constituencies. Whatever the runoff result, Alianza Pais will hold its National Assembly majority, exerting significant influence over legislative matters. With economic woes hindering the new government, four years of unpopular right-wing rule could pave the way for a Correa comeback in 2021.

South Korea's leader may be less secure than he looks

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Content Type ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Approval Rating ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Ruling Party

Subject The strengths and weaknesses of South Korea's president and ruling party. Significance President Moon Jae-in's approval rating was 79% as of June 14, a record for any South Korean president after a year in office. His left-of-centre ruling Democratic Party (DP) won an unprecedented landslide in nationwide local elections on June 13; it now runs 14 of the 17 provinces and major cities. The party also won eleven of twelve National Assembly by-elections, gaining eight. He now faces no electoral tests until the next parliamentary elections, due in April 2020. Impacts Political party regroupings are likely, with possible mergers consolidating both the left and right. The short-term prospects for inter-Korean engagement appear good. The main risks regarding North Korea are US President Donald Trump’s unpredictability and uncertainty over Pyongyang's ultimate aims.

Parliament in a One-Party State—the Bunge of Tanzania, 1965–70

1974 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helge Kjekshus
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
The State ◽  
Careful Examination ◽  
Basic Principles ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Presidential Commission ◽  
Rubber Stamp ◽  
The One ◽  
Ruling Party ◽  
Party State

The introduction of the one-party system in Tanzania in 1965 was in part explained as a means of rescuing the National Assembly or Bunge from decline and decay. This institution had become a rubber stamp, according to the Presidential Commission, making few meaningful contributions to the system of government: debates had become ‘lifeless and superficial’, and legislation was passed rapidly and uncritically, ‘without challenge to basic principles or careful examination of detailed provisions’. The President had appropriately raised the question of whether the National Assembly should be formally removed from the structure of the state, or amalgamated with that of the ruling party.

Electoral Systems and Institutional Choice

1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 405-429 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID BRADY ◽  
JONGRYN MO
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Electoral Systems ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
General Context ◽  
Institutional Choice ◽  
Bargaining Process ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Democratic Reform ◽  
Authoritarian Government ◽  
Ruling Party

This article shows how the ruling party of Korea, the DJP, chose and implemented a strategy to win the 13th National Assembly election of 1988 and explains why that strategy failed. In addition, this election is analyzed in a more general context. The authors find, for example that the preference of a party over electoral systems is determined by the spatial distribution of its votes and that the choice of an electoral system is the outcome of a bargaining process among the parties. In the context of democratization, the Korean experience shows that the democratic reform policies of an authoritarian government are shaped by the interplay between the ruling party's desire to create a political system wherein they maintain power and the constraints to create a system that would channel the opposition's activities into electoral or institutional outlets.

SWAPO’s 50/50 Policy in Namibia’s National Assembly (2015-2018): Full of Sound and Fury Signifying Nothing?

2020 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Job Shipululo Amupanda ◽  
Erika Kahelende Thomas
Keyword(s):  
Women Empowerment ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Gender Policy ◽  
South West ◽  
South West Africa ◽  
People’S Organisation ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Ruling Party ◽  
Policy Setting ◽  
Law Making

In 2013, Namibia’s ruling party, the South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO), amended its constitution to implement the 50/50 gender policy. This policy required equal representation of men and women in all its leadership structures and in its representation in institutions such as the National Assembly. The party had been zigzagging on this policy it had adopted at its 2002 congress. Four years since the implementation of SWAPO’s 50/50, an analysis of the impact of this policy in the National Assembly paints a troubling picture. At the level of substance by looking at parliamentary motions tabled, we find that SWAPO’s 50/50 policy in the National Assembly – which resulted in increased number of women in the legislature - did not lead to meaningful agenda setting in favour of women political participation. This article reflects critically on the gender policy in the 6th parliament’s National Assembly, which is the principal law-making and policy-setting arm of parliament with a view to assess whether there have been successes in facilitating women empowerment and participation in a meaningful way.

Reclaiming National Identity in Kurdish School Textbooks

2020 ◽  
Vol 74 (3) ◽  
pp. 359-378
Author(s):  
Ofra Bengio
Keyword(s):  
Elementary School ◽  
National Identity ◽  
Comparative Study ◽  
Kurdistan Region ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Ideological Differences ◽  
Ruling Party

This article is a qualitative and comparative study of elementary school textbooks in the Kurdish autonomous enclave of Rojava in Syria and the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. Historical circumstances and political forces account for both superficial and ideological differences between the two sets of textbooks. Nonethless, despite the Rojava leadership's ostensible opposition to nationalism and the KRI's commitments to respect the states of the region, both illustrate attempts by the ruling party in each region to promote a distinct Kurdish nationalism with a view toward nurturing pan-Kurdish identity.

scholarly journals Constancy of Legislative Perceptions of Constituency Opinion

1991 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 478-496 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROY PIERCE ◽  
THOMAS R. ROCHON
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Study ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Two Generations ◽  
Candidate Perceptions ◽  
The Comparative Study ◽  
Representative Process ◽  
The Relationship

This article develops the dynamic implications of the Miller-Stokes model of constituency representation by exploring the extent to which there was constancy between two “generations” of French Socialist party candidates for the National Assembly from the same constituencies, in their perceptions of the opinions of their constituents. The data derive from personal interviews conducted with the candidates shortly after the legislative elections of 1967 and 1978. The phenomena discussed include the relationship between constancy of candidate perceptions and accuracy of candidate perceptions. The authors also examine the extent to which the candidates base their perceptions of district opinion on the political composition of their constituencies. That practice has daunting implications both for the comparative study of representation and for the representative process itself.

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