Arms Trade and U.S. Foreign Policy toward the Middle East: A Case Study of the Trump Administration’s Arms Sales to Saudi Arabia

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Kangsuk Kim
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Arms Sales ◽  
Arms Trade

Turkey’s Foreign Policy in the Middle East

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisel Hintz
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Influential Factors ◽  
Inflection Points ◽  
Dramatic Shift ◽  
Institutional Legacies

This chapter provides an overview of Turkey’s foreign policy toward the Middle East from the collapse of the Ottoman Empire to the present day. Its thematic focus includes institutional legacies of imperial rule, Cold War alliance dynamics, ethnic and religious/sectarian politics, and strategies of economic development. It suggests that an analytical focus on identity contestation between competing versions of Turkishness—Republican Nationalism and Ottoman Islamism—that prescribe very different foreign policy orientations helps to explain the dramatic shift toward a highly activist role in the Middle East in the mid-2000s. Applying this conceptual framework, the discussion highlights the key influential factors and inflection points shaping bilateral ties with the most prominent states, including Iran, Saudi Arabia, Israel, and Syria, as well as non-state actors, including various Kurdish and Palestinian entities.

Imran Khan is likely to become Pakistan prime minister

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Main Challenge ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Military

Significance The Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N)’s five-year term ended on May 31. PML-N President Shehbaz Sharif faces a tough fight to become prime minister, with the main challenge set to come from Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) and further opposition provided by Bilawal Bhutto Zardari’s Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP). Impacts With Khan as prime minister, the military would likely have free rein to pursue an anti-India foreign policy. Khan would step up his criticisms of the war in Afghanistan and likely have a difficult relationship with US President Donald Trump. Pakistan under any government will pursue balanced diplomacy in the Middle East, seeking good ties with both Saudi Arabia and Iran.

Philippine Migrant Workers' Transnationalism in the Middle East

2011 ◽  
Vol 79 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-61
Author(s):  
Robyn Magalit Rodriguez
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Migrant Workers ◽  
Labor Rights ◽  
Neoliberal Globalization ◽  
Labor Activism ◽  
Labor Activists ◽  
International Conventions

AbstractHow do migrants assert their rights as workers when they do not enjoy the rights of citizenship in their countries of employment and are unable to assert their human rights through international conventions? This article focuses on the work of Migrante-International's Middle East chapter in Saudi Arabia. Specifically, it examines the ways Philippine migrants strategically assert their rights as Philippine citizens transnationally in local labor struggles. This case study of transnational labor activism in a region where migrant workers enjoy limited rights not only highlights how migrants exercise their agency in spite of major obstacles, but it also offers up novel ways to think about worker organizing within the context of contemporary neoliberal globalization for labor activists and scholars concerned with the labor rights of migrants.

scholarly journals Saudi Model of Development for the Islamic World: Peculiarities and Limits

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 545-565
Author(s):  
Olga Sergeevna Chikrizova
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
International Development ◽  
Special Focus ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Islamic World ◽  
Assistance Programs ◽  
Historical Comparative ◽  
The Arab Spring

The article is devoted to the analysis of the Saudi model of development for the Islamic world, which Riyadh started actively promoting after the “Arab Spring”. The popular protests in the Middle East and North Africa countries, which led to the changes in the ruling regimes, opened up prospects for the states of the region to transform their own models of statehood. In this regard large regional actors such as Saudi Arabia, Iran and Turkey proposed their own models as an example for possible changing political systems and foreign policy of countries affected by unrest. The relevance of the topic of this study is determined by the fact that the current struggle for leadership in the Middle East, unfolding between Saudi Arabia and Iran, has reached a level where the rivals could influence the choice of development path of other countries, such as Syria, Lebanon and Yemen. In this regard, it is extremely important to assess the models proposed by Riyadh and Tehran, to determine the prospects for their implementation. The purpose of the article is to identify the features of the development model for the Islamic world proposed by Saudi Arabia, as well as to assess the limitations of this model. The author used both general scientific methods (analysis, synthesis, generalization) and methods of historical science (concrete historical, comparative historical, historical genetic methods) and religion studies (causal analysis). In addition, the methodology of political science and economics was widely used. A special focus was done on the quantitative analysis of the amount of aid sent by Saudi Arabia to implement various projects in the countries of the Islamic world as part of international development assistance programs, with the aim of forming a ranking of recipient states from Riyadh. As a result of the study, the author came to the conclusion that Saudi Arabia pursues a pragmatic foreign policy strategy, in fact, not relying on Islamic principles. However, Riyadh is devoting significant financial resources to implementing programs to promote the development of the Islamic world and religious diplomacy, in which the promotion of its own “version” of Islam - Wahhabism, and more precisely Salafism, plays an important role. Among the main limitations of the Saudi model the author identified oil as the basis for modernization, since not all states have this resource and can develop their own economy on its basis; Wahhabism as a “small-town” doctrine, which can hardly be borrowed by the countries of the Islamic world, in which more moderate religious schools have traditionally dominated; absolute monarchy as a form of government, even with elements of democracy.

scholarly journals A STRATEGIC PUZZLE OF SAUDI-IRAN STRIFE AND FOREIGN POLICY CHOICES OF PAKISTAN (2013-18)

2021 ◽  
Vol 37 (02) ◽  
pp. 195-207
Author(s):  
Yeldaiz Fatima Shah ◽  
Muhammad Adnan Aslam ◽  
Ghulam Mustafa
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Research Design ◽  
Qualitative Method ◽  
Historical Research ◽  
Regional Politics ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Policy Choices ◽  
Middle East Politics

In diverse circumstances of region, Iran and Saudi Arabia have significant part in foreign policy of Pakistan. It is difficult for policy makers of Pakistan to retain acceptable relations and policies towards both countries at the same time because of severe contentions between the Iran and Saudi Arabia including the high interests of the main players in the Middle East Politics. The main objectives of research are to elucidate the different standpoints between Iran and Saudi Arabia and their impacts on policies of Pakistan. Different diplomatic, political and economic triangle developments among Iran, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan is discussed during last government tenure of PML (N). For this set out, the qualitative method with historical research design has been used, through argumentation procedure while complex interdependent theory applied to examine the nature of triangle relations and policies including their impacts on regional politics and economy. The study provides significant insights for its implication in the particular context with diverse outcomes.

scholarly journals The Prospect of the Relationship between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Saudi Arabia: Plausible Scenarios

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 83
Author(s):  
Faisal M. Al- Shogairat ◽  
Vladimir Yurtaev
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Persian Gulf ◽  
General Situation ◽  
Islamic Republic ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Islamic Republic Of Iran ◽  
The Persian Gulf ◽  
The Relationship

Islamic republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia are identified as two effective countries in sub-region of the Persian Gulf, that the radius of their influence covers whole great region of the Middle East. The relationship between the two countries have been full of tension during last decade, and during this period changes of political authorities of these countries were not able to improve this relationship. The cause is the resources of foreign policy behavior of the two countries, historical backgrounds of each country, as well as conflict of interest of each in the region of the Persian Gulf and the Middle East. The most competition atmosphere between the two countries is inside the three climacteric countries of Iraq, Syria and Yemen. Accordingly, the prospect of bilateral relations is a consequence of their behaviors in the region and also their dealings with these three countries. Three scenarios presented regarding the two countries' foreign policy in the region can be discussed: efforts to establish governments, attempts to maintain political structures of collapsing countries, and finally, continuation of current trends that may lead to disintegration of these climacteric countries. By studying these scenarios and drivers, blockers and their wild cards, this paper considers the second scenario best for both countries, which is consistent with their national interests, and with the region’s history and general situation.

scholarly journals The Power Projection of Turkey in Middle East: (From 2000-2020)

2021 ◽  
Vol IV (I) ◽  
pp. 12-22
Author(s):  
Abida Yousaf ◽  
Fozia Bibi
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Political System ◽  
Regional Power ◽  
Power Projection ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
Democratic Norms

Turkey is an important power of Middle East and has a glorious past. On the basis of its victorious history, Turkey is aspiring to become a regional power of the region. In this regard, the domestic environment of Turkey (such as stable political system, democratic norms, economic development and political leadership) is playing significant role on one hand. On the other hand, the regional and global environment is also providing some opportunities and challenges to pursue its ambitions actively. Turkey's foreign policy in 21st century can be divided in two main phase; first decade of 21st century in which Turkey mostly relies on the use of soft power. However, in second decade, Turkey has used soft and hard power to gain its goals. Turkey's foreign policy towards Saudi Arabia, Iran and Syria are the key focus of this study. Previously, Turkey avoids supporting Iran and Saudi Arabia against each other. However, now Turkish leadership is actively trying to regain the historical influence of Turkey especially in Muslim world. Turkey's relations with Iran and Saudi Arabia are revolving around cooperation Vs competition paradigm. On one hand, Turkey's support for Qatar (2017) and the killing of Jamal Khashogi (October, 2018) has deteriorated the Saudi-Turkey's relations.

Political Dimensions of Military Technical Cooperation Between Russia and Saudi Arabia

2021 ◽  
pp. 161-167
Author(s):  
Kirill V. Seroshtanov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Technical Cooperation ◽  
Interstate Relations ◽  
Western Countries ◽  
Middle East Countries ◽  
Arms Trade ◽  
The Military

The role of Russia in the Middle East region has been increasing since the start of operation in Syria. This forces not only Russia, but also the Middle East countries including Saudi Arabia to adjust their politics according to the current situation. Both Russia and Saudi Arabia actively use military technical cooperation to develop relations with other countries, so it is essential that in their interstate relations this instrument should be applied. In this article, the military technical cooperation between Russia and Saudi Arabia is under consideration. The article aims to determine the dependence of military technical cooperation between the countries on politics. There is a lack of literature on the issue; the main part of it covers military technical cooperation between Russia and the Middle East countries and also the interstate relations with them in general. Due to the specific character of the arms trade sphere, the volume of sources is also insufficient. However, it is possible to carry out an analysis that allows forming the general image of the military technical cooperation between Russia and Saudi Arabia and its reason on the basis of related mass media publications and SIPRI data. The analysis of the Russia-Saudi Arabia military technical cooperation development shows that its expansion is in correlation with the growing role of Russia in the Middle East. In the middle of the 2010s, a number of contracts were concluded and performed. The following reasons of this expansion can be mentioned: problems in interstate relations between Saudi Arabia and the Western countries caused by the conflict in Yemen and Jamal Khashoggi's killing, the Arms Trade Treaty limitations for trade with Saudi Arabia for Western countries, Saudi Arabia's diversification of arms suppliers, search of Russia for new arms markets, etc. Nevertheless, these reasons cannot be assumed as reasons of crucial importance: the Western countries maintain their positions on the Saudi Arabia arms market despite all the limitations and issues in interstate relations, Saudi Arabia is not the key arms market for Russia; moreover, the integration of Russian arms systems into Saudi Arabia's armed forces formed by the Western military standard is quite complicated. Taking into account all the limitations related to the military technical cooperation between the countries, it can be stated that neither Russia nor Saudi Arabia has crucial economical or technical reasons for its start. Therefore, the following conclusion can be made: military technical cooperation between these countries is not a single process; it is caused by a whole direction of interstate relations, and it is only an instrument to boost them.

11. Foreign Policymaking in the Middle East: Complex Realism

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raymond Hinnebusch ◽  
Anoushiravan Ehteshami
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Relative Weight ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Realist Approach ◽  
Policy Choices ◽  
Key Events

This chapter examines the process of foreign policymaking by regional states based on a ‘complex realist’ approach, which acknowledges the weight of realist (or power based) arguments but takes into account other factors such as the role of leadership in informing states’ foreign policy choices. The chapter first provides an overview of complex realism and the framework of analysis by considering the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) environment. It then illustrates the complex realist approach with an an assessment of decision-making by four leading states — Saudi Arabia, Iran, Turkey, and Egypt — in relation to the key events and crises of the last decade: the 2003 Iraq War, the 2006 Lebanon War, and the post-2014 war with the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). The chapter concludes with a discussion of the relative weight of the various policymaking determinants in the 2000s.

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