scholarly journals A STRATEGIC PUZZLE OF SAUDI-IRAN STRIFE AND FOREIGN POLICY CHOICES OF PAKISTAN (2013-18)

2021 ◽  
Vol 37 (02) ◽  
pp. 195-207
Author(s):  
Yeldaiz Fatima Shah ◽  
Muhammad Adnan Aslam ◽  
Ghulam Mustafa
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Research Design ◽  
Qualitative Method ◽  
Historical Research ◽  
Regional Politics ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Policy Choices ◽  
Middle East Politics

In diverse circumstances of region, Iran and Saudi Arabia have significant part in foreign policy of Pakistan. It is difficult for policy makers of Pakistan to retain acceptable relations and policies towards both countries at the same time because of severe contentions between the Iran and Saudi Arabia including the high interests of the main players in the Middle East Politics. The main objectives of research are to elucidate the different standpoints between Iran and Saudi Arabia and their impacts on policies of Pakistan. Different diplomatic, political and economic triangle developments among Iran, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan is discussed during last government tenure of PML (N). For this set out, the qualitative method with historical research design has been used, through argumentation procedure while complex interdependent theory applied to examine the nature of triangle relations and policies including their impacts on regional politics and economy. The study provides significant insights for its implication in the particular context with diverse outcomes.

11. Foreign Policymaking in the Middle East: Complex Realism

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raymond Hinnebusch ◽  
Anoushiravan Ehteshami
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Relative Weight ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Realist Approach ◽  
Policy Choices ◽  
Key Events

This chapter examines the process of foreign policymaking by regional states based on a ‘complex realist’ approach, which acknowledges the weight of realist (or power based) arguments but takes into account other factors such as the role of leadership in informing states’ foreign policy choices. The chapter first provides an overview of complex realism and the framework of analysis by considering the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) environment. It then illustrates the complex realist approach with an an assessment of decision-making by four leading states — Saudi Arabia, Iran, Turkey, and Egypt — in relation to the key events and crises of the last decade: the 2003 Iraq War, the 2006 Lebanon War, and the post-2014 war with the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). The chapter concludes with a discussion of the relative weight of the various policymaking determinants in the 2000s.

China’s Relations with Africa, Latin America, and the Middle East

2020 ◽  
pp. 291-312
Author(s):  
Joshua Eisenman ◽  
Eric Heginbotham
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Developing World ◽  
World Order ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Policy Tools ◽  
Policy Makers

Over the last two decades, developing countries have become central to China’s increasingly ambitious foreign policy makers. This chapter begins by explaining China’s conceptualization of the developing world and its position in Beijing’s geostrategy. After describing the three characteristics of China’s approach—asymmetry, comprehensiveness, and its interlocking structure—the chapter then explains the various economic, political, and security policy tools that comprise it. China works to bring the separate strands of its foreign policy together in a comprehensive whole and to build synergies between component parts. Ultimately, the chapter concludes that Beijing’s primary objectives—regime survival and advancing China’s position in an increasingly multipolar world—are probably insufficient to engender widespread political support among developing countries for a China-led world order.

Turkey’s Foreign Policy in the Middle East

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisel Hintz
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Influential Factors ◽  
Inflection Points ◽  
Dramatic Shift ◽  
Institutional Legacies

This chapter provides an overview of Turkey’s foreign policy toward the Middle East from the collapse of the Ottoman Empire to the present day. Its thematic focus includes institutional legacies of imperial rule, Cold War alliance dynamics, ethnic and religious/sectarian politics, and strategies of economic development. It suggests that an analytical focus on identity contestation between competing versions of Turkishness—Republican Nationalism and Ottoman Islamism—that prescribe very different foreign policy orientations helps to explain the dramatic shift toward a highly activist role in the Middle East in the mid-2000s. Applying this conceptual framework, the discussion highlights the key influential factors and inflection points shaping bilateral ties with the most prominent states, including Iran, Saudi Arabia, Israel, and Syria, as well as non-state actors, including various Kurdish and Palestinian entities.

Middle East generics: Challenges & opportunities

2012 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mazen Tantash
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Generic Drugs ◽  
Pharmaceutical Market ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
The World ◽  
New Policies ◽  
Growing Population

The pharmaceutical market in the Middle East is valued at more than $9.4b and is expected to grow over at a rate of 10% annually. Although there continues to be unrest in the region and around the world, both economically and politically, the Middle East has seen a shift and the pharmaceutical market is becoming more attractive. These countries are traditionally high importers of originator brands and branded generic drugs. Although originator drugs have previously held most of the market, new policies that favor generics are being implemented in the region. The pharmaceutical market ranges quite a bit within the various countries in the Middle East, Bahrain remains the smallest market with Saudi Arabia being the largest due to a growing population and new westernized lifestyle. Policy makers in the region should continue to encourage new players by continuing to propose new policies that allow for continued growth

Imran Khan is likely to become Pakistan prime minister

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Main Challenge ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Military

Significance The Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N)’s five-year term ended on May 31. PML-N President Shehbaz Sharif faces a tough fight to become prime minister, with the main challenge set to come from Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) and further opposition provided by Bilawal Bhutto Zardari’s Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP). Impacts With Khan as prime minister, the military would likely have free rein to pursue an anti-India foreign policy. Khan would step up his criticisms of the war in Afghanistan and likely have a difficult relationship with US President Donald Trump. Pakistan under any government will pursue balanced diplomacy in the Middle East, seeking good ties with both Saudi Arabia and Iran.

scholarly journals Saudi Model of Development for the Islamic World: Peculiarities and Limits

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 545-565
Author(s):  
Olga Sergeevna Chikrizova
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
International Development ◽  
Special Focus ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Islamic World ◽  
Assistance Programs ◽  
Historical Comparative ◽  
The Arab Spring

The article is devoted to the analysis of the Saudi model of development for the Islamic world, which Riyadh started actively promoting after the “Arab Spring”. The popular protests in the Middle East and North Africa countries, which led to the changes in the ruling regimes, opened up prospects for the states of the region to transform their own models of statehood. In this regard large regional actors such as Saudi Arabia, Iran and Turkey proposed their own models as an example for possible changing political systems and foreign policy of countries affected by unrest. The relevance of the topic of this study is determined by the fact that the current struggle for leadership in the Middle East, unfolding between Saudi Arabia and Iran, has reached a level where the rivals could influence the choice of development path of other countries, such as Syria, Lebanon and Yemen. In this regard, it is extremely important to assess the models proposed by Riyadh and Tehran, to determine the prospects for their implementation. The purpose of the article is to identify the features of the development model for the Islamic world proposed by Saudi Arabia, as well as to assess the limitations of this model. The author used both general scientific methods (analysis, synthesis, generalization) and methods of historical science (concrete historical, comparative historical, historical genetic methods) and religion studies (causal analysis). In addition, the methodology of political science and economics was widely used. A special focus was done on the quantitative analysis of the amount of aid sent by Saudi Arabia to implement various projects in the countries of the Islamic world as part of international development assistance programs, with the aim of forming a ranking of recipient states from Riyadh. As a result of the study, the author came to the conclusion that Saudi Arabia pursues a pragmatic foreign policy strategy, in fact, not relying on Islamic principles. However, Riyadh is devoting significant financial resources to implementing programs to promote the development of the Islamic world and religious diplomacy, in which the promotion of its own “version” of Islam - Wahhabism, and more precisely Salafism, plays an important role. Among the main limitations of the Saudi model the author identified oil as the basis for modernization, since not all states have this resource and can develop their own economy on its basis; Wahhabism as a “small-town” doctrine, which can hardly be borrowed by the countries of the Islamic world, in which more moderate religious schools have traditionally dominated; absolute monarchy as a form of government, even with elements of democracy.

Japan’s Central Asia Policy Revisited: National Identity, Interests, and Foreign Policy Discourses

2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (5) ◽  
pp. 853-867
Author(s):  
Sabina Insebayeva
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
Policy Formulation ◽  
Policy Discourse ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Policy Initiatives ◽  
Policy Choices ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Central Asian Countries

AbstractThis article focuses on the nature of Japan’s foreign policy formulation and legitimization through a study of its interaction with Central Asian countries. The article examines foreign policy discourse that constructs Japan’s “self” vis-à-vis Central Asian “other.” It reveals the textual mechanism through which reality, objects, and subjects are constructed, and it interprets the official statements contained in several foreign policy initiatives, in particular, the “Eurasian (Silk Road) Diplomacy,” the “Central Asia plus Japan,” and the “Arc of Freedom and Prosperity,” as an attempt to understand the intersubjective knowledge and analytical lens through which Japanese foreign policy makers conceive and interpret the constructed “reality,” produce foreign policy choices, and choose among identified alternatives.

The Mideast: Figures in the Carpet

Worldview ◽  
1981 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 9-11
Author(s):  
Robert K. Olson
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Iraq War ◽  
Arab World ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Gulf States ◽  
Middle East Politics ◽  
Revolutionary Regime ◽  
The U.S

It is not a joking matter, but the state of Middle East politics is nothing if not absurd. Which is to say that, to the Westerner at least, the most recent rearrangement of alliances, conflicts, and rivalries follows no readily apparent pattern of loyalty or consistency—either religious or political. The Iran-Iraq war seems to have crystalized the fragmented Arab world into two opposing blocs, those siding with non-Arab Iran and those backing Saddam Hussein. But Libya and Syria, the two most pro-Soviet countries, have sided with anti-Communist, anti-Soviet Khomeini. On the other hand the Imam is opposed by the two anti-Soviet monarchies of lordan and Saudi Arabia and the non-Communist Gulf states led by pro-Soviet Iraq. The two monarchies might be expected to oppose Iran's revolutionary regime but hardly to ally themselves with a regime no less revolutionary in its own way than Iran. Not to put too fine a point on it, it was the 1958 Iraq revolution that murder ed King Faisal II, ruler of Iraq and cousin to King Hussein. We find Sunni Libya, which has sought to embarrass Alawite president of Syria Assad by stirring up opposition among the Sunni majority of Syria, united with Assad to give aid and comfort to the Shiite leader of Iran. Syria and Iraq, which are hostile to each other, are ruled by the two extant leaders of thp Baath or Renaissance party dedicated to the unity of the Arab peoples. We find Soviet-client Iraq allied with the most proAmerican states, Jordan and Saudi Arabia, against the most anti-American state, Iran. Soviet weaponry provides the security of the Arab axis against American weaponry provided to the shah. Meanwhile, Iran credits the U.S. with starting the war, even though Iran is being attacked with Soviet weaponry.

scholarly journals The Prospect of the Relationship between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Saudi Arabia: Plausible Scenarios

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 83
Author(s):  
Faisal M. Al- Shogairat ◽  
Vladimir Yurtaev
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Persian Gulf ◽  
General Situation ◽  
Islamic Republic ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Islamic Republic Of Iran ◽  
The Persian Gulf ◽  
The Relationship

Islamic republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia are identified as two effective countries in sub-region of the Persian Gulf, that the radius of their influence covers whole great region of the Middle East. The relationship between the two countries have been full of tension during last decade, and during this period changes of political authorities of these countries were not able to improve this relationship. The cause is the resources of foreign policy behavior of the two countries, historical backgrounds of each country, as well as conflict of interest of each in the region of the Persian Gulf and the Middle East. The most competition atmosphere between the two countries is inside the three climacteric countries of Iraq, Syria and Yemen. Accordingly, the prospect of bilateral relations is a consequence of their behaviors in the region and also their dealings with these three countries. Three scenarios presented regarding the two countries' foreign policy in the region can be discussed: efforts to establish governments, attempts to maintain political structures of collapsing countries, and finally, continuation of current trends that may lead to disintegration of these climacteric countries. By studying these scenarios and drivers, blockers and their wild cards, this paper considers the second scenario best for both countries, which is consistent with their national interests, and with the region’s history and general situation.

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