scholarly journals The Hidden Hand of Neoliberal Global Institutions: The World Bank and the Reshaping of Botswana Public Sector

2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 89
Author(s):  
M. N. S. Marobela ◽  
Rudolph. L. Boy

This paper examines how powerful international institutions work to influence the reforms trajectory in the developing countries. A key dynamic that brings them to Botswana is the neoliberal agenda of the World Bank, which has been increasingly creeping into the public sector in many countries. For Botswana, this comes not as a surprise as the government is renowned for its strong conviction in the free market as a vehicle for development and prosperity. However, what is surprising is the idea being peddled by government bureaucrats that these changes are mainly initiated from within. It is argued that the involvement of networks of international organisations in Botswana’s reforms dispels this myth. The paper demonstrates how earlier concerns raised by the World Bank, of low productivity in Botswana became materialised with the assistance of a number of consultants from international institutions, who provided varied support to the government of Botswana. For example such assistance came in form of financial, intellectual, and training of government officers. It is from the role played by these international institutions that the national structures and mechanisms have changed the public service. This has eventually led to neoliberal reforms in the form of Performance Management System being the accepted dogma for improving productivity in the Botswana public service. 

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 14
Author(s):  
Yordan Gunawan

The research is aimed at analyzing the ICSID (International Centre Settlement Investment Dispute) decision in solving a dispute between Churchill Mining PLC and the Government of the Republic of Indonesia. The case brought to the public attention, because mining license owned by PT. Ridlatama which acquired from Churchill Mining PLC had been revocated. Churchill Mining PLC holds 75% share of PT. Ridlatama and it suffered losses caused by the revocation of its mining license. Churchill Mining PLC filed the case to the local court but it failed. Churchill Mining PLC then sought ruling from International arbitration or ICSID. On December 6, 2016, ICSID issued a decision that clearly threw out Churchill Mining PLC claim. ICSID, the World Bank court, ordered the firm to pay a total of US$.9.446.528 in cost to the Government of the Republic of Indonesia. It is based on the evidences that the UK-Australia company did the fraud and had document forgery of coal mining permit in East Kutai, Indonesia. So the firm has violated the Bilateral Investment Treaties between Indonesia-UK and Indonesia-Australia.


2012 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lynn Horton

Abstract This paper explores the World Bank’s concept of “good governance” as applied in rural Central America. It argues that World Bank good governance seeks to constrain unequal accumulation and privilege in the public sector, but leaves largely unaddressed structural inequalities in the private sector and the conflation of economic and political power in the public sector. This paper suggests that the World Bank analysis does not adequately consider more embedded state/civil society relations linked to national and sub-national political cultures. In contexts in which nation-building projects have promoted forms citizenship linked to more activist “leveling” and paternalistic states, good governance is likely to be ideologically contested. World Bank good governance under these circumstances is unlikely to quell discontent or naturalize the neoliberal state.


2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maryam Borjian

One of the grand claims of neoliberalism is that the free-market world is an ‘actor-free’ process, in which no one is in charge. The aim of this article is to problematize this claim by examining the agency of two international institutions, the World Bank and UNESCO, and the ways in which they shape global language-education policies. In light of the latest reports released by the two institutions, the findings of this study suggest that both institutions are key players in the realm of global policies. Their differences, however, recline in their orientations, motives, and power. Whereas the World Bank is a finance institution with ‘economic prosperity’ as its motto, and neoliberalism as the basis of its policies, UNESCO is an intellectual institution with peace as its mantra, and universal consensus and social inclusion as the basis of its policies. The impact of such differences is notable on the type of policies each institution advocates. Whereas the World Bank’s policies call for an alliance between language, education and economy as a means to eradicate poverty and achieve development, UNESCO’s policies call for multiculturalism, multilingualism, and pluralism in education as a means to promote intercultural and international dialogues as a strategy to safeguard peace. The former model is currently in vogue in education sectors worldwide. Its global domination, however, cannot be explained without taking into account the financial supremacy of the World Bank, the economic dependency of many world’s nations on the World Bank’s long-term developmental loans, and the many conditions set by the Bank for its loan distributions, which includes, among others, the implementation of its neoliberal-driven educational and linguistic policies.


2017 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 1357-1379 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allison Carnegie ◽  
Cyrus Samii

How do international institutions affect political liberalization in member states? Motivated by an examination of the World Bank loans program, this article shows that institutions can incentivize liberalization by offering opportunities for countries to become associated with advanced, wealthy members. In the World Bank, when a loan recipient reaches a specified level of economic development, it becomes eligible to graduate from borrower status to lender status. Using a regression discontinuity design, the study demonstrates that this incentive motivates states to improve their domestic behavior with respect to human rights and democracy. Combining qualitative and quantitative evidence, the results suggest that the desire to become a member of this elite group is responsible for motivating member states to reform due to the belief that such membership brings diffuse international and domestic benefits.


2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 305-355
Author(s):  
Dušan Pokorný

AbstractThis chapter considers the meaning of the terms "society" and "market," and the need for markets to be institutionalized and legitimated. Obligatory norms and recommendatory guidelines today come from many sources: from states, from groupings of states, and from worldwide bodies such as the IMF, the WTO, and the World Bank. But when markets create profound inequalities both within and between societies, how do we determine what limits ought to be placed on markets? Since economic institutions are inseparable from culture, this is the "site" where the public will have to decide what is "society," what is the "market," and what will be the relation between them.


Author(s):  
Fareis Althalet ◽  
Tira Siya Fajar Rahayu ◽  
Hera Hera ◽  
Ayu Fil Akhirati ◽  
Pingki Pingki ◽  
...  

This study aims to examine Blue Bonds as a guarantee issued by the issuer (government and companies) as alternative financing. Compared to ordinary bonds that are issued only to meet the issuer's funding needs, the transaction results in Blue Bonds will be used to support marine protection, fisheries governance, waste and water pollution management, and the restoration of marine ecosystems. In this study, the author uses the method literature review sourced from journals, books, reports from related ministries, international financial institutions such as the World Bank, and news from national and international media. The results of this study indicate that by issuing Blue Bonds, the government and companies will get more funds from bond investors. Investors will receive a return in the form of a coupon (fixed interest rate) from the issuer and pay according to schedule and the initial principal investment. Not only that, the government and companies will get a good reputation among investors and actively contribute to Indonesia's maritime development.


2003 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ngaire Woods

How can governments and peoples better hold to account international economic institutions, such as the WTO, the World Bank, and the IMF? This article proposes an approach based on public accountability, advocating improvements in four areas: constitutional, political, financial, and internal accountability.The argument for more accountability is made with two caveats: more accountability is not always good–it can be distorting and costly; and, enhancing the accountability of international institutions should not justify increasing their jurisdiction for the sake of reducing the role of national governments. Constitutional accountability poses limits on how the institutions expand their activities, requiring the active consent of all members and particularly those most affected by their activities. Political accountability requires that those who make decisions in the organizations are directly answerable to all member governments and not just to the most powerful ones. The institutions' uneven record and structure of financial accountability is addressed through a model of mutual restraint. Finally, the internal accountability should ensure that technical decisions are distinguishable from political decisions. A better matching of the right kinds of accountability to the activities of the organizations would improve both their effectiveness and legitimacy.


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