scholarly journals A QUESTIONABILIDADE DO CONCEITO DE PAISAGEM

Author(s):  
Gert GRÖNING

Com freqüência o conceito de paisagem parece estar associa- do a esperanças igualmente misteriosas e, de alguma forma, supostamente capazes de transmitir a verdade, em especial desde que, na República Federal da Alemanha, se propagou o ideário ecológico. Para essa afirmativa encontramos reitera-da comprovação nas pesquisas paisagísticas da segunda metade do século 20 que, como me parece, embora tenham sido realizadas numa época em que a industrialização já era um fato onipresente, estão vinculadas3 a uma noção pré-in-dustrial de “paisagem”, ou seja, a uma “paisagem” em que a indústria era ainda inexistente. Neste estudo pretendo também chamar a atenção para alguns temas como: o conservado- rismo do interesse pela “paisagem”, o surgimento da “paisa-gem” como programa social, a “paisagem” da era nacional- socialista, a “paisagem” dos adversários da urbe, a “paisagem” de cunho antroposófico e, finalmente, o papel da “paisagem” no século XX e início do século XXI; esses temas poderão contribuir para a compreensão dos motivos que tornam questionável a persistência de um tal conceito de “paisagem”. About the questionability of landscape notion Abstract Both the notion of “landscape” and mysterious hopes seem to be linked together and they are believed to somehow tell the truth. In the Federal Republic of Germany this especially seems to have increased after ecological thoughts which began to circulate from the 1970s onwards. In the last quarter of the twentieth century, repeated studies about a so-called “landscape picture”, at a time of omni-present industrialization adhered to a pre-industrial image of “landscape”, that is a “landscape” without industry, document this.4 Further a few points are presented such as the conservative interest in “landscape”, the development of “landscape” as a societal program, the “landscape” in National Socialism, the “landscape” of those hostile towards cities, the anthroposophically oriented “landscape”, and, finally, the role of “landscape” in the twentieth and the beginning of the twentyfirst century. The final goal is to elaborate on the notion that it is questionable to further stick to such a notion of “landscape”.

2015 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-137
Author(s):  
MARTI LYBECK

After a drought of more than a decade, a substantial group of recent works has begun revisiting Weimar gender history. The fields of Weimar and Nazi gender history have been closely linked since the field was defined thirty years ago by the appearance of the anthologyWhen Biology Became Destiny: Women in Weimar and Nazi Germany. Following a flurry of pioneering work in the 1980s and early 1990s, few new monographs were dedicated to investigating the questions posed in that formative moment of gender history. Kathleen Canning, the current main commentator on Weimar gender historiography, in an essay first published shortly before the works under review, found that up to that point the ‘gender scholarship on the high-stakes histories of Weimar and Nazi Germany has not fundamentally challenged categories or temporalities’. Weimar gender, meanwhile, has been intensively analysed in the fields of cultural, film, and literary studies. The six books discussed in this essay reverse these trends, picking up on the central question of how gender contributed to the end of the Weimar Republic and the rise to power of National Socialism. In addition, four of the books concentrate solely on reconstructing the dynamics of gender relations during the Weimar period itself in their discussions of prostitution, abortion and representations of femininity and masculinity. Is emerging gender scholarship now shaping larger questions of German early twentieth-century history? How are new scholars revising our view of the role of gender in this tumultuous time?


2020 ◽  
pp. 30-40
Author(s):  
Z. Z. Bahturidze ◽  
D. S. Rachkova

The article is devoted to identifying the current image of Russia in the mirror of the German media after the Ukrainian crisis. The role of the media is noted, the crisis situation in Ukraine is characterized. Analyzed publications in the leading print media of Germany on the topic of Russian foreign policy in Ukraine and the role of the Russian Federation in the political crisis in Ukraine (2013–2014). The authors have identified and identified key approaches in the formation of German society a certain idea of Russia and its foreign policy. As conclusions, it is noted that both for objective reasons, and not least thanks to the German media, which use a lot of negative characteristics when constructing the image of Russia, relations between the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany go through a zone of mutual exclusion. However, relations between the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany can go to a new level, taking into account the possible pragmatic cooperation of the two states, and provided, among other things, a reduction in the degree of anti-Russian rhetoric in the German media.


2012 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 661-679 ◽  
Author(s):  
DANIEL MORAT

Martin Heidegger and Ernst Jünger rightly count among the signal examples of intellectual complicity with National Socialism. But after supporting the National Socialist movement in its early years, they both withdrew from political activism during the 1930s and considered themselves to be in “inner emigration” thereafter. How did they react to the end of National Socialism, to the Allied occupation and finally to the foundation of the Federal Republic of Germany in 1949? Did they abandon their stance of seclusion and engage once more with political issues? Or did they persist in their withdrawal from the political sphere? In analyzing the intellectual relationship of Heidegger and Jünger after 1945, the article reevaluates the assumption of a “deradicalization” (Jerry Muller) of German conservatism after the Second World War by showing that Heidegger's and Jünger's postwar positions were no less radical than their earlier thought, although their attitude towards the political sphere changed fundamentally.


2002 ◽  
Vol 16 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 243-269 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cathryn Carson

ArgumentObjectivity has been constitutive of the modern scientific persona. Its significance has depended on its excision of standpoint, which has legitimated the scientist epistemically and sociopolitically at once. But if the nineteenth century reinforced those paired effects, the twentieth century brought questioning of both. The figure of Werner Heisenberg (1901–1976) puts the latter process on display. From the Kaiserreich to the Federal Republic of Germany, between quantum mechanics and interest group politics, his evolution shows an increasing openness to perspectival pluralism, together with an attempt to save some form of objectivity as discursive coherence. Heisenberg’s self-understanding and the reactions of his publics display the transmutation of the persona as objectivity was rethought. By the end of the day, speaking “as a scientist” would mean something different from what it had at the start.


Author(s):  
Iryna Vereschahina

The article deals with the analysis of main problems of the role of new mass media, their relations with German political parties and development of media democracy in Federal Republic of Germany. Considering the rapid development of mass media the author investigates media as political instrument and autonomic political actor at the same time, analyses relations between the mass media and political parties, opportunity of changes in the parties, changes of party structure and the role of German parties. The process of „mediatization“ and its influence on the policy and party democracy is defined. The study found that the modern mass media have influence on public sector and political transformations and accelarate the progress of media democracy in Federal Republic of Germany as well.


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