Discourse of Freedom and Contemporary Greco-Protestantism

Orthodoxia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 10-33
Author(s):  
E. A. Belzhelarskii

In this article, the author provides an analysis of the “discourse of freedom” as one of the foundations for secular and ecclesiastical liberalism. The discourse of freedom receives the name of a “libertian discourse” (not to be confused with libertarianism — a specific political and ideological current). The libertian discourse is studied within its historical origins associated with the legal codes of ancient Rome and the social philosophy of the Enlightenment. The libertian discourse and the related concept of the “natural law”, hardly evolving and unchanged in the 300 years since its inception, has outlived its historical competitors in the form of historical law, Marxism, etc. This phenomenon of libertian fundamentalism refutes the liberal axiom of permanent social progress and modernization, which also applies to the sphere of knowledge. Since the concept of fundamental (generic) rights and freedoms can be neither scientifically proven nor deduced from the traditional norms and values, it should be classified as a metaphysical (in Karl Popper's sense), fundamentalist and quasi-religious doctrine. This article shows the contemporary transformations of the phenomenon of freedom, which results in the libertian discourse becoming an integral part of power practices, an exclusive right to criticize power and a “subtle discourse of power”. The contemporary function of libertianism lies in restricting the freedom of a political opponent in the name of fighting for freedom and in creating a marketable competitive field of political compensation for the restriction of freedoms (stigmatization). The author points to the struggle between two cultural-historical and religious paradigms with different understandings of freedom — the “Roman” (political, elitist) and biblical (social), emphasizing that this struggle generates two versions of the discourse of freedom in the contemporary political space. The author raises the question of the demarcation of freedom paradigms on the same grounds as the more general question of “paradigms of involvement with the transcendent” and the hybrid mixing of different paradigmatic foundations in the modern interpretation of freedom.

2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas Maxwell

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to spell out the urgent need to correct structural rationality defects in academia as it exists at present, so that it may become actively and effectively engaged in helping us solve the grave global problems that confront us. Design/methodology/approach The paper spells out an argument for the urgent need to bring about a revolution in academic inquiry so that the basic aim becomes social wisdom and not just specialized knowledge, problems of living being put at the heart of the academic enterprise. Findings Natural science needs to become more like natural philosophy; social science needs to become social methodology or social philosophy; and a basic task of academia needs to become public education about what our problems are and what we need to do about them. Almost every part and aspect of academia needs to change. Research limitations/implications The implication is the urgent need to bring about an intellectual/institutional revolution in academic inquiry, so that the aim becomes wisdom, and not just knowledge. Practical implications There are substantial practical implications for natural science, social inquiry and the humanities, education, social, economic and political life. Social implications There is a need for a new kind of academic inquiry rationally designed and devoted to helping us make social progress towards as good a world as possible. The social implications are profound. Originality/value In the author’s view, bringing about the academic revolution, from knowledge-inquiry to wisdom-inquiry, is the single most important thing needed for the long-term interests of humanity.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (152) ◽  
pp. 126-133
Author(s):  
S. V. Storozhuk ◽  
◽  
I. M. Hoian ◽  

The article shows that normative masculinity, i.e. the dominant image of the «real man» in modern public consciousness, became a natural consequence of the practical realization of the enlightenment ideals of secular humanism. According to it, the engine of social progress can only be men who, due to their natural tendency to rationality, can and should dominate all manifestations of feminine in the broadest sense of the word. Accordingly, the formation of a man has been taking place in a harsh homosexual environment, through opposition to everything feminine and domination over it. This openly anti-female program for the development of masculinity has become a significant obstacle not only to the social self-realization of women, the establishment of gender and social equality, but has also led to open oppression of those men who have not me the basic regulations. Normative masculinity proved to be no less pernicious for «real men» who, in the process of constantly confirming their masculinity, have devalued those universal qualities which, according to the prevailing enlightenment ideals, have been traditionally considered feminine. Public romanticization of this idea, especially in transitive societies, leads to mental and, with it, physical mutilation of men.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-12
Author(s):  
Maksym Victorovich Doichyk ◽  
Oksana Yaroslavivna Doichyk

The article presents the analysis of the epistemological basis for the concept of dignity in the philosophical discourse of an outstanding English enlightener John Locke. His views on natural rights and freedoms as well as on human dignity, formed within the framework of the Enlightenment formative shifts, haven’t lost their heuristic potential, and moreover, reveal their relevance in the context of the tendencies prevailing in the contemporary dynamic world. In the process of investigation the following methods were applied: dialectical, hermeneutical, phenomenological, and comparative. The research has revealed that John Locke’s concept of dignity, as well as the conception of educating a worthy citizen, directly correlate with his epistemology. Despite the fact that the phraseological unit “tabula rasa” wasn’t mentioned in Locke’s works directly, though having been repeatedly attributed to him, the intention emphasized in this Roman phrase is present in his views. This phrase lied in the basis of his fundamental view that moral ideas couldn’t be inborn. Rejecting the metaphysical basis for human morality, John Locke argued that social differentiation as well as a person’s virtuous or wicked behavior were not rooted in human nature, but on the contrary, were formed by the social environment, especially by the upbringing. This idea presupposed having equal cultural, educational, political, and legal conditions for a person’s social start. Only human striving for happiness could be considered innate. This desire, in its correlation with social progress, was seen as transforming the idea of human dignity. Having been established, Western capitalism gives rise to new competitive possibilities of self-realization, not available for most people before. Consequently, dignity has been increasingly identified with rationality and the level of education and upbringing, as well as with personal and professional success.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 29
Author(s):  
D. A. Abgadzhava ◽  
A. S. Vlaskina

War is an essential part of the social reality inherent in all stages of human development: from the primitive communal system to the present, where advanced technologies and social progress prevail. However, these characteristics do not make our society more peaceful, on the contrary, according to recent research and reality, now the number of wars and armed conflicts have increased, and most of the conflicts have a pronounced local intra-state character. Thus, wars in the classical sense of them go back to the past, giving way to military and armed conflicts. Now the number of soldiers and the big army doesn’t show the opponents strength. What is more important is the fact that people can use technology, the ideological and informational base to win the war. According to the history, «weak» opponent can be more successful in conflict if he has greater cohesion and ideological unity. Modern wars have already transcended the political boundaries of states, under the pressure of certain trends, they are transformed into transnational wars, that based on privatization, commercialization and obtaining revenue. Thus, the present paper will show a difference in understanding of terms such as «war», «military conflict» and «armed conflict». And also the auteurs will tell about the image of modern war and forecasts for its future transformation.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Prabhakar Krishnamurthy ◽  
Catherine I. Anita ◽  
Maria Patricia Peeris

Ethics ◽  
1964 ◽  
Vol 74 (3) ◽  
pp. 226-227
Author(s):  
George L. Kline
Keyword(s):  

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