Positional Transference and Sound Learning

1972 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 371-374 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seline Stein Hirsch ◽  
John M. Panagos
Keyword(s):  
Initial Position ◽  
Final Position ◽  
The Third ◽  
Positive Transference ◽  
Sound Learning

3 groups of naive adults were tested on their pronunciations of a foreign sound after one received no phonetic pretraining, another practiced the sound in the initial position, and the third learned it in the final. A significant positive transference effect indicated that practicing an unknown sound in the initial position facilitates its pronunciation in the final position.

An Analysis of Students Problem To Pronounce Aspirated /P/, /T/, /K/ at Initial Position of English Words

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 92-98
Author(s):  
Widya Juli Astria
Keyword(s):  
Research Design ◽  
Initial Position ◽  
English Department ◽  
Final Position ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Learning English

The purpose of this research was to analyze the third semester students’ problem in learning English basic sounds pronunciation. The research design was case study. The data were collected by recording the students’ pronunciation. The subject of the research were the third Semester Students of English Department at Universitas Ekasakti). The result of the research was found that Each aspirated /p/, /t/, /k/ have two allophones, [ph] and [p], [th] and [t], [kh] and [k]. Then, all instances of [ph] occured immediately before a stressed vowel. It can be said that the following rule: /p/ becomes [ph] when it occured before a stressed vowel or initial position of English words. Moreover, aspirated /p/, /t/, /k/ sounds were really pronounced in two different ways. First, when these sounds came at the beginning of the word they are always followed by a puff of breath. Second, if aspirated /p/, /t/, and /k/ occur at the end of final position of English words, it is not necessary to pronounce them by following a puff of breath. In following there is a chart of aspirated /p/, /t/, /k/ sounds at initial position of English words

scholarly journals Predicting the Motion of an Intruder in a Vertically Vibrated 2D-Granular-Bed using Contact Points Approximation

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Siti Nurul Khotimah
Keyword(s):  
Initial Position ◽  
Total Force ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Granular Bed ◽  
Brazil Nut ◽  
The Third ◽  
Contact Points ◽  
Brazil Nut Effect ◽  
Points Approximation

<p class="TTPAbstract">In this study, 2-dimensional Brazil nut effect experiments were setup. An intruder moves from its initial position at the middle-bottom of a container to its final position at the top of the granular bed. To predict the motion of the intruder, the number of contact points for each grain around the intruder was counted manually for grains in the first layer until the third layer. The average numbers of contact points from grains in each of 8 directions respected to the center of the intruder were calculated to determine the direction of total force acting on the intruder by grains in the first layer, in the first two-layers, and in the first three-layers.The result will be more acceptable using the data of two or three layers of grains in predicting intruder movement.</p>

scholarly journals Predicting the Motion of an Intruder in a Vertically Vibrated 2D-Granular-Bed using Contact Points Approximation

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Siti Nurul Khotimah
Keyword(s):  
Initial Position ◽  
Total Force ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Granular Bed ◽  
Brazil Nut ◽  
The Third ◽  
Contact Points ◽  
Brazil Nut Effect ◽  
Points Approximation

<p class="TTPAbstract">In this study, 2-dimensional Brazil nut effect experiments were setup. An intruder moves from its initial position at the middle-bottom of a container to its final position at the top of the granular bed. To predict the motion of the intruder, the number of contact points for each grain around the intruder was counted manually for grains in the first layer until the third layer. The average numbers of contact points from grains in each of 8 directions respected to the center of the intruder were calculated to determine the direction of total force acting on the intruder by grains in the first layer, in the first two-layers, and in the first three-layers.The result will be more acceptable using the data of two or three layers of grains in predicting intruder movement.</p>

scholarly journals Initial laryngeal neutralisation in Tyrolean

Phonology ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alessandro Vietti ◽  
Birgit Alber ◽  
Barbara Vogt
Keyword(s):  
Acoustic Analysis ◽  
Initial Position ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Acoustic Cues ◽  
Acoustic Parameters ◽  
Place Of Articulation ◽  
Closure Duration

In the Southern Bavarian variety of Tyrolean, laryngeal contrasts undergo a typologically interesting process of neutralisation in word-initial position. We undertake an acoustic analysis of Tyrolean stops in word-initial, word-medial intersonorant and word-final contexts, as well as in obstruent clusters, investigating the role of the acoustic parameters VOT, prevoicing, closure duration and F0 and H1–H2* on following vowels in implementing contrast, if any. Results show that stops contrast word-medially via [voice] (supported by the acoustic cues of closure duration and F0), and are neutralised completely in word-final position and in obstruent clusters. Word-initially, neutralisation is subject to inter- and intraspeaker variability, and is sensitive to place of articulation. Aspiration plays no role in implementing laryngeal contrasts in Tyrolean.

An Argument for Phonological Stress in French: the syntagm over contrast

2022 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Shanti Ulfsbjorninn
Keyword(s):  
Initial Position ◽  
Romance Languages ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Phonological Word ◽  
Word Stress ◽  
Minimal Pairs ◽  
French Word ◽  
Lively Debate

Abstract It is standardly assumed that French does not have word-stress, rather it has phrase-level prominence. I will advance a number of arguments, many of which have appeared already in the literature, that cumulatively suggest that French roots are characterized by phonological prominence, even if this is non-contrastive. By prominence, I mean a syntagmatically distributed strength that has all the phonological characteristics of stress in other Romance languages. I will remain agnostic about the nature of that stress, eschewing the lively debate about whether French has feet, and if so what type, and at what level. The structure of the argument is as follows. French demonstrably has phonological word-final strength but one wonders what the source of this strength is. Positionally, the initial position is strong and, independently of cases where it is reinforced by other factors, the final position is weak. I will argue, based on parallels with other Romance languages, that French word-final strength derives from root-final phonological stress. The broader significance of this conclusion is that syntagmatic properties are enough to motivate underlying forms, even in the absence of paradigmatic contrasts (minimal pairs).

Clause order and syntactic integration patterns in Dutch conditionals

2020 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 119-134
Author(s):  
Alex Reuneker
Keyword(s):  
Initial Position ◽  
Main Clause ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Corpus Study ◽  
Written Texts ◽  
Text Mode

Abstract Conditional clauses in Dutch can occur in sentence-initial and sentence-final position. For sentence-initial conditionals, a number of syntactic integration patterns are available. This corpus study investigates to what extent clause order and syntactic integration are associated with text mode (spoken, written) and register (formal, informal). Sentence-initial position of the conditional clause is shown to be most frequent in both modes and registers, although sentence-final position is more frequent than one would expect based on the literature, especially in written texts. The distribution of syntactic integration patterns shows a clear difference between modes, as full integration of the conditional clause into the main clause is most frequent in written texts, whereas the use of the resumptive element dan (‘then’) is most frequent in spoken texts.

Dysarthria of Adult Cerebral Palsy

1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. J. Platt ◽  
Gavin Andrews ◽  
Pauline M. Howie
Keyword(s):  
Cerebral Palsy ◽  
Speech Intelligibility ◽  
Confusion Matrix ◽  
Initial Position ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Single Word ◽  
Speech Task ◽  
Position Errors ◽  
Confusion Matrices

The articulation errors of 32 spastic and 18 athetoid males, aged 17–55 years, were analyzed using a confusion matrix paradigm. The subjects had a diagnosis of congenital cerebral palsy, and adequate intelligence, hearing, and ability to perform the speech task. Phonetic transcriptions were made of single-word utterances which contained 49 selected phonemes: 22 word-initial consonants, 18 word-final consonants and nine vowels. Errors of substitution, omission and distortion were categorized on confusion matrices such that patterns could be observed. It was found that within-manner errors (place or voicing errors or both) exceeded between-manner errors by a substantial amount, more so on final consonants. The predominant within-manner errors occurred on fricative phonemes for both initial and final positions. Affricate within-manner errors, all of devoicing, were also frequent in final position. The predominant between-manner initial position errors involved liquid-to-glide and affricate-to-stop changes, and for final position, affricate-to-fricative. Phoneme omission occurred three times more frequently on final than on initial consonants. The error data of individual subjects were found to correspond with the identified overall group patterns. Those with markedly reduced speech intelligibility demonstrated the same patterns of error as the overall group. The implications for treatment are discussed.

A unified account of causal clause sequences in Mandarin Chinese and its implications

2009 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zuoyan Song ◽  
Hongyin Tao
Keyword(s):  
Information Sharing ◽  
Distribution Patterns ◽  
Initial Position ◽  
Comprehensive Analysis ◽  
Skewed Distribution ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Telephone Conversation ◽  
Initial Sequence ◽  
Usage Patterns ◽  
Default Form

Causal clauses introduced by yīnwèi in Chinese can have either an initial position or a final position with regard to the main clause. While traditional grammars have treated the initial sequence as the default form, numerous discourse-based studies have shown just the opposite. However, few have attempted to explain why both sequence orders exist and why they have skewed distribution patterns across discourse registers. In this paper we use a telephone conversation corpus and a written Chinese corpus as data and provide a comprehensive analysis of the usage patterns. Our main findings are that final and initial causal clause sequences are ostensibly two different linguistic constructions, functioning as an interactional device and an information-sharing device, respectively. Quantitative distributional disparities are seen as a function of the discourse utilities of the linguistic devices in question and the communicative demands of different registers. From a cross-linguistic perspective, our findings raise questions about the ways in which universal and language-specific properties of clause sequencing can be better understood.

scholarly journals Dispersion Characteristic of Spatiotemporal Sharply Autofocused Vector Airy-Circular Airy Gaussian Vortex Wave Packets

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dong Li ◽  
Xin Chen ◽  
Chengquan Wei ◽  
Peng Li ◽  
Jianlin Zhao
Keyword(s):  
Wave Packet ◽  
Dispersion Coefficient ◽  
Initial Position ◽  
Main Peak ◽  
Third Order ◽  
The Third ◽  
Third Order Dispersion ◽  
Peak Intensity ◽  
Order Dispersion ◽  
Evolution Trajectory

The spatiotemporal vector Airy-Circular Airy Gaussian vortex wave packet is constructed by solving the (3 + 1)D Schrodinger equation in free space. The wave packet can simultaneously autofocus in space and time by setting the appropriate initial pulse velocity υ and the initial position of the main lobe T0. This kind of wave packet has low intensity before focusing, but the intensity at focus is about 80 times of the initial plane intensity. Our results may have potential applications in particle manipulation, laser processing, and other fields. Furthermore, the influence of the third-order dispersion coefficient on the evolution trajectory, the focus position, and the main peak intensity at the focus of the focusing pulse vector field is analyzed. The results show that the change of the initial velocity, the initial position, and the third-order dispersion coefficient can accurately control the evolution trajectory and the focus position, while the main peak intensity at the focus can only be controlled by adjusting the third-order dispersion coefficient. This means that the pulse vector light field can be manipulated precisely for precise processing by adjusting the third-order dispersion effect.

Segmental Phonology, Phonotactics, and Syllable Structure in the Romance Languages

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephan Schmid
Keyword(s):  
Initial Position ◽  
Romance Languages ◽  
Medium Size ◽  
Minor Role ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Forthcoming Article ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Vowel Systems ◽  
Moderate Complexity ◽  
Italian Dialects

This is an advance summary of a forthcoming article in the Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Linguistics. Please check back later for the full article. From a typological perspective, the phoneme inventories of Romance languages are of medium size: For instance, most consonant systems contain between 20 and 23 phonemes. An innovation with respect to Latin is the appearance of palatal and palato-alveolar consonants such as /ɲ ʎ/ (Italian, Spanish, Portuguese), /ʃ ʒ/ (French, Portuguese), and /tʃ dʒ/ (Italian, Romanian); a few varieties (e.g., Romansh and a number of Italian dialects) also show the palatal stops /c ɟ/. Besides palatalization, a number of lenition processes (both sonorization and spirantization) have characterized the diachronic development of plosives in Western Romance languages (cf. the French word chèvre “goat” < lat. CĀPRA(M)). Diachronically, both sonorization and spirantization occurred in postvocalic position, where the latter can still be observed as an allophonic rule in present-day Spanish and Sardinian. Sonorization, on the other hand, occurs synchronically after nasals in many southern Italian dialects. The most fundamental change in the diachrony of the Romance vowel systems derives from the demise of contrastive Latin vowel quantity. However, some Raeto-Romance and northern Italo-Romance varieties have developed new quantity contrasts. Moreover, standard Italian displays allophonic vowel lengthening in open stressed syllables (e.g., /ˈka.ne/ “dog” → [ˈkaːne]. The stressed vowel systems of most Romance varieties contain either five phonemes (Spanish, Sardinian, Sicilian) or seven phonemes (Portuguese, Catalan, Italian, Romanian). Larger vowel inventories are typical of “northern Romance” and appear in dialects of Northern Italy as well as in Raeto- and Gallo-Romance languages. The most complex vowel system is found in standard French with its 16 vowel qualities, comprising the 3 rounded front vowels /y ø œ/ and the 4 nasal vowel phonemes /ɑ̃ ɔ̃ ɛ̃ œ̃/. Romance languages differ in their treatment of unstressed vowels. Whereas Spanish displays the same five vowels /i e a o u/ in both stressed and unstressed syllables (except for unstressed /u/ in word-final position), many southern Italian dialects have a considerably smaller inventory of unstressed vowels as opposed to their stressed vowels. The phonotactics of most Romance languages is strongly determined by their typological character as “syllable languages.” Indeed, the phonological word only plays a minor role as very few phonological rules or phonotactic constraints refer, for example, to the word-initial position (such as Italian consonant doubling or the distribution of rhotics in Ibero-Romance), or to the word-final position (such as obstruent devoicing in Raeto-Romance). Instead, a wide range of assimilation and lenition processes apply across word boundaries in French, Italian, and Spanish. In line with their fundamental typological nature, Romance languages tend to allow syllable structures of only moderate complexity. Inventories of syllable types are smaller than, for example, those of Germanic languages, and the segmental makeup of syllable constituents mostly follows universal preferences of sonority sequencing. Moreover, many Romance languages display a strong preference for open syllables as reflected in the token frequency of syllable types. Nevertheless, antagonistic forces aiming at profiling the prominence of stressed syllables are visible in several Romance languages as well. Within the Ibero- Romance domain, more complex syllable structures and vowel reduction processes are found in the periphery, that is, in Catalan and Portuguese. Similarly, northern Italian and Raeto-Romance dialects have experienced apocope and/or syncope of unstressed vowels, yielding marked syllable structures in terms of both constituent complexity and sonority sequencing.

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