Words and War

Author(s):  
Courtney C. Radsch

This chapter explores globalization, resistance, and identity as forces shaping the relationship between Osama bin Laden and the Qatar-based Al Jazeera news network. Both al Qaeda's and Al Jazeera's rise to global prominence were made possible by globalization and networked transnational media, namely the Internet and satellite television. Al Jazeera was often credited with building a new public sphere and pan-Arab identity while at the same time providing an Arab perspective on the series of U.S.-led incursions in the Middle East that became known as the War on Terror. Its rise happened to coincide with al Qaeda's rise and occurred amid extensive American forays into the Middle East, which were widely opposed in the region and thus led to highly critical coverage of a range of U.S. actions and policies toward the region and toward Muslims.

2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 127-143
Author(s):  
Siavash Saffari

This article examines the relationship between religion and sociopolitical development in the context of the re-emergence of popular social movements in Muslim societies in the Middle East and North Africa. It makes a case that despite the decline of Islamism as a mode of social mobilization, religion maintains an active presence within the public sphere. Focusing on the religious-political discourses of Abdolkarim Soroush and neo-Shariatis, as the representatives of two distinct post-Islamist currents in post-revolutionary Iran, the article identifies some of the capacities and limitations of their particular conceptions of democratic public religiosity for contributing to the ongoing processes of change in Iran and other contemporary Muslim societies.


Author(s):  
Dyala Hamzah

This chapter discusses the foundations of hegemonic reform and cultural revival discourses in the Arabic-speaking lands of the modern Middle East from the perspective of the most recent forays in scholarly fields such as Islamic and Ottoman studies. Teasing out periodization and geographies, it grounds the thought and practice of canonical and less canonical actors in the historical public sphere in which they operated, questioning the relationship between the Nahda and the Tanzimat, the Nahda and eighteenth-century revivalism, the Nahda and the seventeenth-century Arab-Islamic florescence, as well as the special status accorded “Islamic” reform within the Nahda. Finally, it probes the larger questions of modernity, subjectivity, and citizenship between the onset of the protectorates and the termination of the mandates, as these became encrypted within the major ideologies (pan-Islam, pan-Arabism, territorial nationalisms) and enacted through the most significant technologies mobilized by the actors (the press, the associations, the parties, and the schools).


2007 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 531-533 ◽  
Author(s):  
WALTER ARMBRUST

My thoughts on the Internet were recently jogged by an experience with a slightly older medium, namely, satellite television. In late March 2007 I attended the Third Annual Al-Jazeera Forum, in Doha. Notwithstanding the attendance of a few academics like me, the forum was largely a networking opportunity for professional journalists, just as MESA is for professional Middle East studies academics. However, unlike MESA, forum presenters, as well as the audience, were handpicked. Even the expenses of the attendees were subsidized (my hotel bill was paid by al-Jazeera). This inevitably made the event an exercise in open self-promotion for al-Jazeera.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ajeng Rizqi Rahmanillah

<p align="center"><strong> </strong></p><p align="center"><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p align="center"><strong> </strong></p><p><em>Massive movement of the Egyptian people, called the Egyptian Revolution, is part of a wave of democratization of the Arab Spring in the Middle East and North Africa.The purpose of this essay is to provide information about the influence of new public sphere and media technology, to the civil society movement in the region. The public sphere is the space of communication of ideas and projects that emerge from society and are addressed to the decision makers in the institutions of society. The global civil society is the organized expression of the values and interests of society. The relationships between government and civil society and their interaction via the public sphere define the polity of society. This essay is a qualitative study using the case study method. The results of this study showed that the development of global communication media has a significant influence on the civil society to develop their skills in using information technology. This has led to the Arab Spring in Tunisia became a successful spark that triggered the revolution in Egypt. Phase emergence of Reformers in the Arab Spring wave of democratization in Egypt indicate that the movement of the Reformers strongly associated with one of the instruments of mass communication become public means of expression, to spread the idea, and eventually forms a networking in a short time</em>.</p><p> </p><p><strong><em>Keywords: New Public Sphere, social media, social movement, egyption revolution</em></strong></p>


2020 ◽  
pp. 026666692096705
Author(s):  
Ahmad Muhammad Auwal ◽  
Metin Ersoy

The relationship between political competition and social polarization has been studied extensively while overlooking the divisive rhetoric in online political discourses and how media’s coverage creates the social-psychological barriers to peace and a unified sense of national identity/unity. Adapting Galtung’s peace-journalism model through the qualitative content and news frame analyses of contenders’ tweeting activities and news coverage during Nigeria’s 2019 presidential contests, this study reveals the prevalence of othering discourses in contenders’ tweets and the attributes of conflict-escalatory coverage by Nigerian newspapers. Implementing peace-journalism strategy become essential to create shared values for improving political communication amidst the new public sphere in multipolar Nigeria.


Author(s):  
Stacy D. Fahrenthold

This chapter tracks the migration of a half million Arab migrants from the Ottoman Empire to the Americas between 1880 and 1914. Syrians and Mount Lebanese departed the Ottoman Middle East to plug themselves into the expanding capitalist economies of the post-abolition Atlantic world. Through labor migration, Syrians developed a transnational remittance economy that successfully confronted the peripheralization of the Arab eastern Mediterranean. Steamship, telegraph, and printing technologies facilitated the establishment of Syrian “colonies” (jalliyyat) in Argentina, Brazil, and the United States. Once abroad, Syrian migrants built social institutions that connected the Arab Atlantic across continents and linked the diaspora to its homeland. Fraternal societies, philanthropic clubs, mutual aid societies, and the Syrian diasporic press each contributed to this new public sphere, abetting Syrian commercial success and grabbing the attentions of the Ottoman state by the 1908 Young Turk Revolution.


Author(s):  
Abeer AlNajjar

This book aims to shed light on core questions relating to language and society, language and conflict, and language and politics, in relation to a changing Middle East. While the book focuses on Arabic, it goes way beyond a purely linguistic analysis by bringing to the fore a set of pressing questions about the relationship between Arabic and society. For example, it touches on the development of language policy via an examination of administrative mandates (top-down) in contrast to grassroots initiatives (bottom-up); the deeper layers of the linguistic landscape that highlight the connection between politics, conflict, identity, road signs and street names; Arabic studies and Arabic identity and the myriad ways countries deal simultaneously with globalisation while also seeking to strengthen local and national identity, and more.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 83-103
Author(s):  
Mai Mogib Mosad

This paper maps the basic opposition groups that influenced the Egyptian political system in the last years of Hosni Mubarak’s rule. It approaches the nature of the relationship between the system and the opposition through use of the concept of “semi-opposition.” An examination and evaluation of the opposition groups shows the extent to which the regime—in order to appear that it was opening the public sphere to the opposition—had channels of communication with the Muslim Brotherhood. The paper also shows the system’s relations with other groups, such as “Kifaya” and “April 6”; it then explains the reasons behind the success of the Muslim Brotherhood at seizing power after the ousting of President Mubarak.


Author(s):  
Laurent Bonnefoy

Contemporary Yemen has an image-problem. It has long fascinated travelers and artists, and to many the country embodies both Arab and Muslim authenticity; it stands at important geostrategic and commercial crossroads. Yet, strangely, Yemen is globally perceived as somehow both marginal and passive, while also being dangerous and problematic. The Saudi offensive launched in 2015 has made Yemen a victim of regional power struggles, while the global “war on terror” has labelled it a threat to international security. This perception has had disastrous effects without generating real interest in the country or its people. On the contrary, Yemen's complex political dynamics have been largely ignored by international observers--resulting in problematic, if not counterproductive, international policies. Yemen and the World aims at correcting these misconceptions and omissions, putting aside the nature of the world's interest in Yemen to focus on Yemen's role on the global stage. Laurent Bonnefoy uses six areas of modern international exchange--globalization, diplomacy, trade, migration, culture and militant Islamism--to restore Yemen to its place at the heart of contemporary affairs. To understand Yemen, he argues, is to understand the Middle East as a whole.


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