Collaborationism

Author(s):  
Alexander Prusin

Explores the ideological tenets and actions of the main collaborationist groups in Serbia. Albeit functioning within the limits prescribed by the occupier, the Serbian collaborationists enjoyed a certain degree of latitude in internal affairs. Although driven by different personal dispositions and ideological orientations, the”revolutonaries” (associated by Dimitrije Ljotić) and the”conservatives” (associated with the head of the Government of National Salvation Milan Nedić) perceived themselves as the prophets of Serbia’s national regeneration. In hope to win some concessions from the Germans, both displayed substantial energy and initiative, especially in combating the forces they considered inimical to Serbia’s national revival.

2011 ◽  
pp. 241-258
Author(s):  
Zoran Loncar

Under the new law on travel documents, in addition to authority that has the Government of Serbia, in terms of issuing travel documents and a shared competence between the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs depending on the type of travel document in question. Ministry of Foreign Affairs is authorized to issue a diplomatic passport, official passport and travel document, while all other travel documents are issued by the Ministry of Internal Affairs. When it comes to the passport as the most important travel document the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Internal Affairs is fully established. Diplomatic and Consular Missions of the Republic of Serbia abroad can now only receive requests for passport, but the issuance of travel documents of this type is exclusive jurisdiction of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Such jurisdiction of the state administration in the process of issuing travel documents, along with other novelties which significantly modernize this kind of special administrative procedures should in practice very quickly enable the efficient issuance of travel documents, thus achieving the complete freedom of movement as one of the rights guaranteed by the Constitution to the citizens of the Republic of Serbia.


1974 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 58-59

On 25 April 1974, we learned from radio broadcasts about the coup d'etat in Portugal by the armed forces which resulted in the ousting of the government of Marcelo Caetano and its replacement by a Junta of National Salvation. This movement, according to its promoters, is intended to provide a solution to the present crisis which the Portuguese regime and society are going through after thirteen years of colonial war.The coup d'etat which has just taken place cannot be seen in isolation. It is a result of the new awareness of growing sectors of the Portuguese people that the purpose of the colonial war launched by the fascist regime is to suppress the colonized peoples’ aspiration to independence and freedom and is against the desire for well-being and political and social democracy of the Portuguese people themselves.At this time we hail, in the first place, the Portuguese democratic forces which for many years have been actively and courageously opposing the colonial wars. This growing awareness is closely bound up with the affirmation of the unshakable will of the Mozambjcan people, and of the peoples of Angola, Guinea-Bissau and the Cape Verde islands, to achieve independence and freedom. This will has taken on material form in the armed struggle for national liberation which has been steadily growing and has already reached vital regions of our country. The coincidence between the crisis of the regime in Portugal and the great advances of the national liberation struggle in Mozambique over the past two years is no accident, but additional proof of the impact of our struggle on the situation in Portugal. The determinant factor of the situation in Portugal and the colonies has been and still is the struggle of our peoples. And the fundamental issue upon which the solution of all other problems depends is the independence of the peoples of Mozambique, Angola and Guinea-Bissau and the Cape Verde islands, as well as that of the remaining Portuguese colonies.


1963 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 287-288 ◽  

On July 30, 1962, the government of Syria presented a formal complaint against alleged United Arab Republic interference in its internal affairs to Abdul Khaliq Hassouna, Secretary-General of the Arab League. The Secretary-General at Syria's request said he would start preparations for holding an extraordinary meeting of the League's Council to discuss the complaint, but it would take at least five days.


1913 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 781-822 ◽  
Author(s):  
William R. Manning

The first United States minister to Mexico was Joel R. Poinsett. To the ordinary mind, however, his chief title to fame does not rest on his filling this or a number of other official posts; but on the fact that he made known to the world the beautiful Christmas flower which in honor of him was named “poinsettia.” But even this discovery was a result of his diplomatic appointment; for it was while on his mission to Mexico that he observed it and brought it to the attention of botanists. It is the purpose of this article to study only the minister’s personal conduct while in Mexico and his relations with the government and people, explaining the grounds for the charges made against him of meddling in the internal affairs of the country.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (7) ◽  
pp. 412-427
Author(s):  
V. A. Veremenko ◽  
E. N. Krylova

The general characteristics of the government printing house that served the interests of Ministry of Internal Affairs in the middle of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries, from the moment the printing house was created in 1836 until the 1910s, when the government was forced to join the struggle for public opinion. The staff of the printing house of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, its structure and changes in personnel and functions are investigated. It is shown that the outbreak of the First Russian Revolution accelerated the transformation of the printing house of the Ministry of Internal Affairs from an institution dealing with printing works on the document circulation of the Ministry of Internal Affairs into a structure that performs important functions in the ideological struggle for public opinion. It is proved that at the beginning of the twentieth century the priority direction for the printing house of the Ministry of Internal Affairs was the task of printing government newspapers “Government Bulletin”, “Russian State”, “Evening addition to the Government Bulletin”, etc. The difference between the servants and the workers of the printing house of the central state institution is emphasized. It is noted that if the servants of the printing house of the Ministry of Internal Affairs initially had the right to receive a social package, then the workers of the printing house had to earn this right.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 870
Author(s):  
Chingiz A. ISSABAYEV ◽  
Aidos A. YESKENDIROV ◽  
Zhanna B. SHAYAKHMETOVA ◽  
Bakhytbek A. BEGALIYEV ◽  
Zhanargul A. KHAMMETOVA

Disorganized crime impact on the society is provided by criminal pressure on law enforcement officials – from engagement in criminal networks, bribery, blackmail to their liquidation. Social danger of the offences studied is that it threatens the life of internal affairs officer to prevent him from professional duties for the law enforcement, intentionally destabilizes normal operation of public authorities, and undermines their authority in the public’s mind. The purpose of the article was to analyze the types and motives of attempts on an employee of internal affairs bodies from a legal point of view. To achieve the purpose, the opinions of other researchers who studied this problem were examined, as well as legal documents regulating crimes committed against employees of internal affairs bodies. It was noted inconsistencies in the evaluation of sanction measures against perpetrators responsible for offences provided for by p. 2, part 2, article 99 and part 1, article 380-1 of the Criminal Code of Kazakhstan. It was concluded that the strengthening of criminal liability will significantly affect the status of crime situation, enhance the government authority and strengthen overall prevention in the country.  


Author(s):  
Jessica M. Marglin

This chapter draws on the records of the Ministry of Complaints and other government correspondence to argue that Jews were tied to the state in part through their ability to demand redress from the Makhzan. This bond became particularly crucial for the sultan to reinforce as foreigners questioned the Makhzan's ability to properly protect its Jewish subjects and used the alleged abuses of Jews as an excuse to meddle in Morocco's internal affairs. Jews regularly petitioned the government when they felt they had been denied their rights; doing so forged a practical bond that reaffirmed their link to the sultan as protector of dhimmīs.


Slavic Review ◽  
1966 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Cherniavsky

For nearly two hundred years the history of the Raskol, the Russian Church schism of the seventeenth century, was a secret one. To be sure, the Old Believers wrote, and in enormous quantities, but they wrote—by hand—secret manuscripts, copied secretly and circulated secretly. And, except for official condemnations of schismatic teachings and the publication of laws directed against the raskol'niki, more or less serious historical investigation started only in the last years of the reign of Emperor Nicholas I and was confined to printed but highly restricted memoranda passed around in the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Even the nature and the chronology of early Raskol historiography raise questions about the nature of the schism. Why was the history of the Raskol secret for such a long time? Why were the Old Believers persecuted by the government for so long? Was it all, as the government maintained, because they were ignorant, illiterate, superstitious, fanatical, and disobedient toward the Church?


2005 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-115
Author(s):  
Mark Mourell

The amendments to Schedule 1B of the Workplace Relations Act have given the government substantially new means of controlling the internal affairs of industrial organisations. At the government's behest, the Review of Current Arrangements for Governance of Industrial Organisation (the review), used concepts borrowed from the Corporations Act as a basis for recommendations regarding union accounts, accounting procedures, fiduciary obligations of office-holders and organisational rules. This study is a critique of the review and the consequent amendments. It argues that notions borrowed from the Corporations Act are inappropriate for unions and will cause problems for them. The amendments also contradict the government's avowed policy of deregulation of labour market institutions.


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