Paul against Empire

2020 ◽  
pp. 140-176
Author(s):  
Ole Jakob Løland

The image of a political thinker that arises from Taubes’s readings of Paul is the result of Taubes’s peculiar method of reading Paul through key thinkers of the twentieth-century European thought, such as Nietzsche, Benjamin, and Barth. The political aspects of the philosophers’ readings are brought to the fore by Taubes’s intertwinement of historical and philosophical perspectives, but also of the crossing of the Jewish and the Christian. Taubes’s political Paul is drawn from contradictory meanings within the Pauline epistles, primarily Romans. On one hand Taubes’s Paul is anti-imperial as the apostle’s message amplifies a seething antagonism toward the values of the Greco-Roman world and “declares war” against the Emperor himself. On the other, Taubes’s Paul develops a “nihilism” which is actually “quietist” and withdrawn in relation to direct contestation of actually existing authority. This nihilistic view of the apostle can be further argued for through affinities between readings of biblical scholars of our day and Friedrich Nietzsche, building further upon Taubes’s interpretations of Paul.

1982 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 233-234
Author(s):  
Howard Jacobson

Ritualistic formulae and acts pervade the political, legal, societal and religious life of the ancient world. In many instances there are striking similarities between the formulae of the Greco-Roman world and those of the Near East. Often illumination exists from one to the other. Here I wish to notice a few passages in Greek drama where I think such illumination is possible.


Human Affairs ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Skowroński

AbstractIn the present paper, the author looks at the political dimension of some trends in the visual arts within twentieth-century avant-garde groups (cubism, expressionism, fauvism, Dada, abstractionism, surrealism) through George Santayana’s idea of vital liberty. Santayana accused the avant-gardists of social and political escapism, and of becoming unintentionally involved in secondary issues. In his view, the emphasis they placed on the medium (or diverse media) and on treating it as an aim in itself, not, as it should be, as a transmitter through which a stimulating relationship with the environment can be had, was accompanied by a focus on fragments of life and on parts of existence, and, on the other hand, by a de facto rejection of ontology and cosmology as being crucial to understanding life and the place of human beings in the universe. The avant-gardists became involved in political life by responding excessively to the events of the time, instead of to the everlasting problems that are the human lot.


Author(s):  
David Wheeler-Reed

This chapter maintains that two ideologies concerning marriage and sex pervade the New Testament writings. One ideology codifies a narrative that argues against marriage, and perhaps, sexual intercourse, and the other retains the basic cultural values of the upper classes of the Greco-Roman world. These two ideologies are termed “profamily” and “antifamily.” The chapter proceeds in a chronological fashion starting with 1 Thessalonians, 1 Corinthians, and Mark. It concludes by examining Matthew, Luke, the Pastoral Epistles, and the Acts of Paul and Thecla.


Elenchos ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-22
Author(s):  
Cristina Viano

Abstract The theme of the specificity of medical causes in the Greco-Roman world is part of a wider research project on the notion of causality, the starting point of which is Aristotle and his seminal theorisation of the four causes. It therefore seemed useful to introduce this collection with a synthetic presentation of the Aristotelian conception of medicine, which is characterised by the knowledge of causes and represents a paradigm for the other arts and practical knowledge.


Author(s):  
Duncan Kelly

In discussing the notion of ‘personality’ in the work of Max Weber, this chapter suggests that he developed a language of the worthwhile modern personality influenced by Friedrich Nietzsche. It argues that Weber's ‘central question’ was indeed a political one, concerned with the tense relationship between the life-conduct of the modern personality and the particular ‘orders of life’ into which individuals are placed. As an account of the nature of modernity, this is of special importance when linked to Weber's discussion of the specific requirements of the political personality capable of providing leadership in the modern state. The chapter reconstructs a guiding political theme within Weber's oeuvre, and focuses less on the state and a state ‘tradition’ than the other discussions in the book.


Author(s):  
Fiachra Byrne

The influence of the ‘new psychology’ was less notable in early-twentieth-century Ireland than elsewhere. Nonetheless, the personal narratives of patients can be used to unravel the meaning of warfare and conflict. This chapter exploits a 1940 article published by the former medical superintendent of the Downpatrick District Asylum, Michael J. Nolan, of a ‘case of acute systematized hallucinosis’. His article provided a detailed journal account of an extended period of hallucination authored by a patient in the immediate aftermath of his disturbance during the War of Independence. Nolan’s article was also distinguishable by its focus on the actual substance of hallucinatory experience. The patient recounted a hallucinatory episode in which a battle took place in his sickbed between an army of cockroaches and an army of hairs. These phantasmagorical battalions clearly functioned as proxies for the participants of the ‘real’ conflict raging beyond the doors of the asylum. His hallucinations were also deeply coloured by his personal relations with, and violent impulses towards, two women, one Protestant and the other Catholic. This chapter critically analyses in an ethnographic frame this account of a hallucinatory episode and the psychiatric discourse which enfolded and structured it.


Author(s):  
Marcin Wodziński

This chapter addresses the ideological crisis among Polish Jewish integrationists at the start of the twentieth century. One of the signs of departure from the old ideological line was the rapidly changing attitude to hasidism. On the one hand, politically involved journalists such as Nachum Sokołów saw a new political threat in the hasidic movement and called for an alliance of all non-hasidic political forces against this group. On the other hand, from the mid-1890s, it became more and more common to idealize the hasidic past, to see the movement as the fascinating creation of folk mysticism, a depository of authentic Jewish folklore, and above all an excellent literary theme. These two attitudes, although they seemed contradictory, frequently coexisted. Usually, they were evident in the belief that the good and beautiful teachings of the fathers of hasidism were later distorted by the tsadikim and had led to the contemporary degenerate form of the political movement. The great interest in the origins of the movement was undoubtedly an attempt to escape contemporary reality and, at the same time, to escape the confrontational attitudes of the maskilim. This was obviously the result of changes in European writings that took place at the turn of the century in relation to the historiographic, philosophical, and literary portrayal of hasidism.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Or Rosenboim

Abstract This article concerns the conceptualization of political spaces in early twentieth-century European political thought. The main figure is the Italian geographer and political thinker Cesare Battisti (1875–1916). Drawing on his geographical knowledge of his native region of Trentino, then in the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Battisti envisioned an alternative political order in Central Europe. In a series of geographical surveys and political essays, he described his idea of the region as a meaningful political space, that could become an alternative to both empire and nation-state as part of a continental democratic federation. The article argues that through this new spatial conceptualization of region and federation, Battisti sought to reinterpret the political categories of authority and community. The article examines Battisti's ideas in their historical and intellectual context, arguing that he offers original insights on the evolution of European international and regional thought in the twentieth century.


Author(s):  
Maysoon Mansour Obeidat

The purpose of the study is to analyze the political situation in Syria during the ALahed AL Fusaily by addressing of Al- Asma newspaper (1919-1920), in addition to Prince Faisal's role internally and externally during the Peace Conference in 1920, And the unity of the States of the Levant, to be the basis for the launch of a wider Arab unity, and the statement of conspiracy allies on the Arabs, especially France and its attempts to occupy Syria, and then efforts by the Syrian Arab state to prevent this, and also briefly discussed Prince Faisal talks and meetings and correspondence with the British government from Hand and To the governments and political and popular bodies in Syria, Lebanon and Palestine on the other hand, which revolves around ways to achieve the unity of the countries of the Levant, and then review the role of the Syrian press in the history of modern Arabs in general and Syrian history in particular, where appeared in the early twentieth century newspapers in Arabic, In the Arab nationalist thought, as a result of which was persecuted by the Ottoman Empire, and then the French mandate.  


Problemos ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 98 ◽  
pp. 94-106
Author(s):  
Jūratė Baranova

The article starts with the question: how is the political philosophy of Friedrich Nietzsche even possible? The author discusses with Tracy B. Strong’s presumption that Nietzsche’s political philosophy is not possible as a transcendental deduction. The author supposes that this type of question clashes with the premises of Nietzsche’s thinking and also undermines the interpretation of the other aspects of his philosophy. First of all: the question of nazification and denazification of Nietzsche’s thought. The article comes to the conclusion that in the scope of recent investigation there is not much sense in raising the question whether Nietzsche’s political views are political philosophy in the normative meaning of the term, but it is possible to discuss the question of political anthropology as the psychology of the nations Nietzsche was really interested in.


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