The Death of an Idea: Political, Historical, and Poetic Visions of Hasidism

Author(s):  
Marcin Wodziński

This chapter addresses the ideological crisis among Polish Jewish integrationists at the start of the twentieth century. One of the signs of departure from the old ideological line was the rapidly changing attitude to hasidism. On the one hand, politically involved journalists such as Nachum Sokołów saw a new political threat in the hasidic movement and called for an alliance of all non-hasidic political forces against this group. On the other hand, from the mid-1890s, it became more and more common to idealize the hasidic past, to see the movement as the fascinating creation of folk mysticism, a depository of authentic Jewish folklore, and above all an excellent literary theme. These two attitudes, although they seemed contradictory, frequently coexisted. Usually, they were evident in the belief that the good and beautiful teachings of the fathers of hasidism were later distorted by the tsadikim and had led to the contemporary degenerate form of the political movement. The great interest in the origins of the movement was undoubtedly an attempt to escape contemporary reality and, at the same time, to escape the confrontational attitudes of the maskilim. This was obviously the result of changes in European writings that took place at the turn of the century in relation to the historiographic, philosophical, and literary portrayal of hasidism.

2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-50
Author(s):  
Sarbani Sharma

While much has been said about the historicity of the Kashmir conflict or about how individuals and communities have resisted occupation and demanded the right to self-determination, much less has been said about nature of everyday life under these conditions. This article offers a glimpse of life in the working-class neighbourhood of Maisuma, located in the central area of the city of Srinagar, and its engagement with the political movement for azadi (freedom). I argue that the predicament of ‘double interminability’ characterises life in Maisuma—the interminable violence by the state on the one hand and simultaneously the constant call of labouring for azadi by the movement on the other, since the terms of peace are unacceptable.


Itinerario ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Chiara Formichi

ABSTRACT This article investigates the narrative of Islamic nationalism in twentieth-century Indonesia, focussing on the experience of, and discourse surrounding, the self-identified Islamist Darul Islam movement and its leader, S. M. Kartosuwiryo (1905–1962). I offer a narrative of the independence struggle that counters the one advanced by Indonesia's Pancasila state, and allows us to capture subtleties that old discussions of separatism—with their assumption of fixed centres and peripheries—cannot illuminate. The article unfolds three historical threads connected to ideas of exile and displacement (physical and intellectual), and the reconstitution (successful or failed) that followed from those processes. Starting from the political circumstances under which Kartosuwiryo retreated to West Java after the Dutch reinvasion of 1947—in a form of physical exile and political displacement from the centre of politics to the periphery, from a position of political centrality to one of marginality and opposition—I then transition to an elaboration of Kartosuwiryo's ideology. His political strategy emerges as a form of voluntary intellectual displacement that bounced between local visions of authority, nationalist projects, and transregional imaginations in order to establish the political platform he envisioned for postcolonial Indonesia. Lastly, I argue that the elision of Islam from the reconstructed narrative of Kartosuwiryo's intentions, characterised as separatist and anti-nationalist, was a key aspect of Indonesia's nation-building process. It is my final contention that official Indonesian history's displacement of Kartosuwiryo's goals away from Islam and into the realm of separatism allowed for two reconstitutive processes, one pertaining to political Islam as a negative political force, and the other to Kartosuwiryo as a martyr for Islam.


2020 ◽  
pp. 17-36
Author(s):  
Glenda Sluga

This chapter explores points of ideological and institutional intersection in the Habsburg and Austrian past in the context of a new historiography of internationalism and studies of the League of Nations. Drawing from the expanding historiography of international ideas and institutions, on the one hand, and the uncollected evidence of people and politics of the Habsburg empire-cum-Austrian republic, on the other, its intention is to gauge the political, cultural, and economic significance of strands of the ‘new internationalism’ in the history of the Habsburg empire, and its afterlife. This is nowhere more obvious than in the persistent invocations, through the first half of the twentieth century, of the affinities between the post-First World War history of internationalism and Austria’s prewar experience with diversity and multi-nationality, and the persistent political and cultural ambitions attached to the specific idea of Weltösterreich.


Author(s):  
Deanna Ferree Womack

The gendered dimensions of institutional Protestantism and the rough edges of missionary authority come to the forefront in chapter 4, which considers the various printed media that Syrian Protestant men employed to assert their masculinity and claim independence from male missionary authority. Tracing the history of the Syrian Evangelical Church of Beirut and its connection to the Nahda, this chapter uses an anti-missionary publication from the turn of the century to examine the asymmetrical relationship between (male) Presbyterian missionaries and Syrian pastors on the one hand, and between Protestant men and women in Syria on the other. Multiple forms of patriarchy operated in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Beirut during church controversies involving missionary Henry Harris Jessup and the prominent Syrian Protestant Khail Sarkis.


1973 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-101
Author(s):  
Mauricio Solaun ◽  
Fernando Cepeda

The Colombian political system has been characterized by a duality. On the one hand, there are recurrent fears-and these perceptions are held even by outsiders—that the political system is on the verge of total collapse and disruption. On the other hand, when measured in terms of the continuity and survival of the traditional civilian elite and the actual challenge posed by counter-elites, the Colombia system has been relatively stable. In effect, since the turn of the century, Colombia's ruling group has been renovated by the cooptation of new elements by the ruling elite. The bulk of these new members has been young individuals fairly well integrated within the values and norms of the establishment. Although some social change has occurred and there has been some upward mobility (for the best general treatment of Colombian twentieth-century politics, see Dix, 1967), the resilience of the Colombian upper class can be illustrated with two cases.


1952 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 323-344
Author(s):  
Verne D. Morey

It has been customary, until quite recently, to regard the Brownist and Barrowist movements in England as the first phase in the history of Congregationalism. The two classic histories of Congregationalism, the one appearing just before and the other just after the turn of the century, both building upon the monumental work of H. M. Dexter, begin the story of Congregational continuity with these Separatist groups. Albert Peel, who devoted much of his life to searching among the literary remains of Elizabethan Separatism, threw Congregational beginnings a bit further back, namely to the Plumber's Hall congregation and Richard Fitz's Privy Church. He came to the conclusion that: “There is no valid reason for moderns to deny to Fitz's congregation, and probably to others contemporary with it, the title of ‘the first Congregational churches’. “However, the first name to be associated with twentieth century Congregational scholarship is Champlin Burrage. His amazing “finds” in English libraries have clarified many obscurities of early Congregational history and led later scholars to a re-evaluation of its beginnings. He was the first to make the distinction between Separatists and Congregationalists although he still saw in Robert Browne the founder of Congregationalism. His terminology was “Barrowist Separatists” and “Congregational Puritans” which was further refined by Perry Miller into “Separatist Congregationalists” and “non-Separatist Congregationalists”.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6(167) ◽  
pp. 287-309
Author(s):  
Anna Grześkowiak-Krwawicz

The Four-Year Sejm is one of the events of critical importance both in the history of parliamentarism and the eighteenth-century Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. This article attempts to present the events of 1788–92 from two perspectives: on the one hand, by placing them in the tradition of the functioning of the Sejm as the highest organ of power in the Commonwealth; on the other, by considering them as a kind of revolution, interwoven with the ‘revolutionary cycle’, which began with the rebellion of the American colonies and culminated with the groundbreaking eruption in France. Following and describing the course of the Sejm’s debates, the author divides them into stages that she describes as ‘destruction – discussion – creation’, seeing in them certain features typical of all events of this period that bear the hallmarks of revolution. She analyses both the play of political forces within the Sejm and the more fundamental changes in the political attitudes and political awareness of the nobility, as well as the revival of the townspeople. She also takes into account the changing international position of the Commonwealth. In this broad context, she presents the subsequent events and decisions of the Sejm up to the most important – the adoption of the Government Act on 3 May 1791.


APRIA Journal ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-16
Author(s):  
José Teunissen

In the last few years, it has often been said that the current fashion system is outdated, still operating by a twentieth-century model that celebrates the individualism of the 'star designer'. In I- D, Sarah Mower recently stated that for the last twenty years, fashion has been at a cocktail party and has completely lost any connection with the public and daily life. On the one hand, designers and big brands experience the enormous pressure to produce new collections at an ever higher pace, leaving less room for reflection, contemplation, and innovation. On the other hand, there is the continuous race to produce at even lower costs and implement more rapid life cycles, resulting in disastrous consequences for society and the environment.


Author(s):  
Nicolas Wiater

This chapter examines the ambivalent image of Classical Athens in Dionysius of Halicarnassus’ Roman Antiquities. This image reflects a deep-seated ambiguity of Dionysius’ Classicist ideology: on the one hand, there is no question for Dionysius that Athenocentric Hellenicity failed, and that the Roman empire has superseded Athens’ role once and for all as the political and cultural centre of the oikoumene. On the other, Dionysius accepted Rome’s supremacy as legitimate partly because he believed (and wanted his readers to believe) her to be the legitimate heir of Classical Athens and Classical Athenian civic ideology. As a result, Dionysius develops a new model of Hellenicity for Roman Greeks loyal to the new political and cultural centre of Rome. This new model of Greek identity incorporates and builds on Classical Athenian ideals, institutions, and culture, but also supersedes them.


Author(s):  
Marlou Schrover

This chapter discusses social exclusion in European migration from a gendered and historical perspective. It discusses how from this perspective the idea of a crisis in migration was repeatedly constructed. Gender is used in this chapter in a dual way: attention is paid to differences between men and women in (refugee) migration, and to differences between men and women as advocates and claim makers for migrant rights. There is a dilemma—recognized mostly for recent decades—that on the one hand refugee women can be used to generate empathy, and thus support. On the other hand, emphasis on women as victims forces them into a victimhood role and leaves them without agency. This dilemma played itself out throughout the twentieth century. It led to saving the victims, but not to solving the problem. It fortified rather than weakened the idea of a crisis.


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