Tar Heel Heroes

Home Front ◽  
2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
North Carolina ◽  
North Carolinians ◽  
Enola Gay

North Carolina sent some 372,325 into service and 7,100 of those veterans lost their lives in service. Seven North Carolinians won the Congressional Medal of Honor. One was the bombardier on the Enola Gay, another flew the Memphis Belle, Major George E. Preddy was a top war ace, and the USSNorth Carolina, a mighty battleship, gave heroic service to the cause.

scholarly journals Charlie van der Horst (1952-2019)

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 161
Author(s):  
Michael M. Lederman
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
North Carolina ◽  
Medical Center ◽  
Hudson River ◽  
State Legislature ◽  
Holocaust Survivor ◽  
University Of North Carolina ◽  
Aids Epidemic ◽  
North Carolinians ◽  
The University

Charlie van der Horst, an emeritus professor at the University of North Carolina and a friend of Pathogens and Immunity, disappeared from sight on Friday, June 14 during a marathon swim in the Hudson River. His death was confirmed. Few who knew him would call him Charles as formality was not his strong-suit. Charlie was born in Holland to a Dutch father and a Polish Holocaust survivor mother. His family moved to the Buffalo, New York area and sent Charlie to school at Andover. He attended Duke University where he captained the varsity swim team in 1973-74. He remained a powerful swimmer, competing often in national Masters’ competitions. He received his MD degree from Harvard in 1979 and trained in medicine at Montefiore Medical Center and Infectious Diseases at the University of North Carolina. He was an expert in the management of fungal diseases and when the AIDS epidemic began, he knew he had to commit his career to AIDS research and care. He led a highly successful AIDS Clinical Trials Unit at the University of North Carolina and was a respected leader in this national consortium who gained international recognition and respect for his work. More than most anyone else I know, Charlie was driven to fight for justice, anywhere, any time. At the 2000 IAS meeting in Durban, South Africa he recognized that the greater AIDS need was in the developing world and he redirected his entire career towards the development of research and care programs in Africa. When Ebola hit West Africa, Charlie rushed to Liberia to help. In the U.S., Charlie was on the front lines urging his state legislature to deal fairly with all North Carolinians, working hard to fight for equity in health care. He was beloved by so many, respected for his talents, admired for his decency. He was, as my grandmother would have said—a mentsch—and more. Our world is lucky to have had him and is diminished by his loss.

Caught between Blue and Gray

2019 ◽  
pp. 233-244
Author(s):  
Philip Gerard
Keyword(s):  
North Carolina ◽  
War Department ◽  
North Carolinians ◽  
The City ◽  
The U.S ◽  
The Way

Maj. Gen George E. Pickett’s attack on New Bern in January 1863 results in a fiasco. Having failed utterly to take the city after seven hours of fighting, the 13,000 troops retreat back to Kinston. On the way, they overwhelm a small outpost battery and capture ninety-seven men of the 2nd North Carolina Union Volunteers. Pickett labels a number of them Confederate deserters-a dubious claim-and, following cursory trials, he hangs twenty-two North Carolinians. The atrocity shocks even his own troops and provokes outrage in the U.S. War Department, which pursues Pickett as a war criminal, forcing him to flee to Canada in disguise.

First in Flight: Desertion as Politics in the North Carolina Confederate Army

1997 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-263 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine A. Giuffre
Keyword(s):  
North Carolina ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Small Scale ◽  
Small Farmers ◽  
Informal Networks ◽  
Confederate Army ◽  
Central Focus ◽  
The North ◽  
North Carolinians ◽  
Small Scale Farmers

In place of open mutiny, [powerless groups] prefer desertion. . . . They make use of implicit understandings and informal networks. . . . When such stratagems are abandoned in favor of more quixotic action, it is usually a sign of great desperation.Scott (1985: xvi)At the beginning of the Civil War, few suspected how brutal and bloody the conflict would prove to be. During the first months of the war, thousands of men and boys from North Carolina rushed to enlist. As deaths from disease and battle mounted dramatically, soldiers who had agreed to serve for one, two, or three years found themselves legally compelled to stay even after their enlistment was up, and those who had stayed home enlisted reluctantly under the threat of the draft (Wright 1978). Detained in the Confederate army often by threat of imprisonment or even death (ibid.), obliged to fight for a cause that appeared increasingly to be contrary to their own interests (Bardolph 1964), watching as the wealthy plantation owners resigned their commissions and bowed out (Tatum 1934), thousands of soldiers took up one strategy of resistance to the war: desertion. Of the 120,000 North Carolinians who enlisted to fight in the Confederate army, an estimated 12,000 deserted before the war was over. This study will test the hypothesis that desertion was a form of resistance to the war by a relatively powerless group, the small farmers. The central focus of this article will be the predictors of desertion. Of the estimated 10% of the Confederate soldiers from North Carolina who deserted from the army, the majority were small-scale farmers who had long opposed the wealthy elites on a variety of issues.

An Emotional Craving

Lethal State ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 153-179
Author(s):  
Seth Kotch
Keyword(s):  
North Carolina ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Death Penalty ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
North Carolinians

As the death penalty was falling out of use in North Carolina, the civil rights movement was underway. In 1972, the Supreme Court ruled in Furman v. Georgia that the death penalty as practiced was unconstitutional. Politically conservative North Carolinians who viewed the Supreme Court as a weapon of liberal overreach reacted by reinstating the mandatory death penalty and ultimately adopting the bifurcated sentencing protocol now in use around the country. The renewed interest in the death penalty emerged from the tough-on-crime rhetoric adopted by conservatives and the Republican Party during and after the civil rights movement. North Carolina resumed executions in 1984.

scholarly journals Attitudes Toward The COVID-19 Vaccine Among North Carolina Participants In The COVID-19 Community Research Partnership

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chukwunyelu Enwezor ◽  
James E. Peacock ◽  
Sharon L Edelstein ◽  
Amy N Hinkelman ◽  
Austin L Seals ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
North Carolina ◽  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Age Groups ◽  
Community Research ◽  
Research Partnership ◽  
Safety And Efficacy ◽  
Medical Centers ◽  
Race Ethnicity ◽  
North Carolinians ◽  
To Receive

Willingness to receive the newly developed Coronavirus Disease-2019 (COVID-19) vaccines is highly variable. To assess the receptiveness of a select sample of North Carolinians to COVID-19 vaccination, a brief survey was conducted among participants in the COVID-19 Community Research Partnership (CCRP) affiliated with five medical centers in North Carolina. A total of 20,232 CCRP participants completed a multiple choice, mini survey electronically between December 17, 2020 and January 13, 2021. Of the 20,232 survey respondents, 15,422 (76.2%) were receptive to vaccination. Vaccine receptiveness increased incrementally with age with those >70 years being the most willing to be vaccinated compared to all other age groups. Respondents with no previous COVID-19 diagnosis were more likely to accept the vaccine compared to those that have a previous COVID-19 diagnosis (76.6% vs 60.9%). Comparative analysis of gender, race/ethnicity, and residence locale revealed that women, African Americans, and suburban participants were less willing to get a COVID-19 vaccine. There was no difference in vaccine intent based on healthcare worker status. Of those unwilling to get the vaccine, 82% indicated that the reason was uncertainty about the safety and efficacy of the vaccine.

La Nueva Generation

2018 ◽  
pp. 127-154
Author(s):  
Hannah Gill
Keyword(s):  
North Carolina ◽  
English Language ◽  
Latino Youth ◽  
Educational Opportunities ◽  
Growing Up ◽  
Integration Process ◽  
Societal Norms ◽  
North Carolinians ◽  
Identity Learning ◽  
Hyphenated Identity

Chapter 5 highlights the stories of Latino youth—immigrant and U.S.-born—growing up in North Carolina. It considers the multigenerational process of incorporation into U.S. society that consists of navigating a hyphenated identity; learning the English language, societal norms, laws, and institutions; and exploring a sense of identity and attachment to communities of settlement. Integration is a two-way process, and many factors in receiving communities can facilitate or impede immigrant and youth incorporation. The chapter explores factors that shape the economic outcomes of immigrants as they adapt to a new society, underscoring the importance of educational opportunities in the integration process. We meet several young Latinos whose experiences are emblematic of the newest generation of North Carolinians.

Two North Carolinians, Same Goal, Different Approaches

2019 ◽  
pp. 279-300
Author(s):  
Troy L. Kickler
Keyword(s):  
North Carolina ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Orange County ◽  
Constitutional Reform ◽  
The Public ◽  
State Senator ◽  
North Carolinians ◽  
The University ◽  
Civil Libertarian ◽  
The U.S

The volume’s final substantive essay compares and contrasts the public careers of two of the most important members of that generation of North Carolina politicians who rose to prominence after the founding era. Archibald D. Murphey was an Orange County judge and state senator who became known as a champion of constitutional reform and state support for education and internal improvements. Nathaniel Macon served 24 years in the U.S. House of Representatives and 13 years in the Senate and acquired a reputation as an archconsevative. This essay suggests traditional accounts may exaggerate their differences. Macon’s opposition to the Sedition Bill of 1798 showed a civil libertarian streak. Both men owned slaves and neither supported any significant steps to end slavery. Both men supported the University of North Carolina. Their differences stemmed in part from the different realms in which they operated. As a member of Congress, Macon felt compelled to address the constitutional limits of federal power, issues which Murphey, as a state politician, did not have to confront.

Reimagining the History of the Experience of Cinema in a Post-Movie-Going Age

2011 ◽  
Vol 139 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert C. Allen
Keyword(s):  
North Carolina ◽  
Social Practice ◽  
Social Factor ◽  
The United States ◽  
Urban Life ◽  
Architectural Drawings ◽  
Online Archive ◽  
History Of ◽  
North Carolinians

As theatrical movie-going is supplanted by other modes of engaging with cinema, it becomes more apparent that one of the most striking features of the experience of cinema for a century was its sociality. Prior to the 1980s, the experience of cinema around the world involved groups of people converging upon particular places to experience together something understood to be cinema. As it emerged as a cultural industry, cinema depended upon the regular repetition of this social practice under the sign of cinema. This article explores the application of digital technologies in representing the history of the experience of cinema in one American state (North Carolina) across the first three decades of commercial cinema. Going to the Show ( www.docsouth.unc.edu/gtts ) uses data from city directories, newspapers, photographs, architectural drawings, newspaper ads and articles to recover that which is representable about the experience of movie-going in an online archive. This material is itself represented as a layer on more than 1000 digitally stitched and georeferenced map pages for 45 towns and cities in the state. What emerges is a ‘view’ of movie-going as part of the experience of urban life at a time when towns and cities in North Carolina – and across the United States – were taking on their modern character and institutions. It also affords a unique perspective on the role of race as the determinative social factor in the experience of movie-going for all North Carolinians and, by extension, millions of other Americans.

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