scholarly journals When Do Companies Have a Positive Duty to Engage in Philanthropy? An Empirical Application of Mieth’s Five Criteria for Positive Duties of Individuals in the Corporate Context

2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 370-400
Author(s):  
Laura Marie Schons
2005 ◽  
Vol 8 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 91-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colm O'cinneide

The imposition since 1998 of a variety of positive equality duties upon public authorities has attracted comparatively little academic attention. However, these duties are a central part of current government equality initiatives, increasingly constitute a major part of the work of the UK's equality commissions, and have been described as an essential part of a new ‘fourth generation’ of equality legislation. It now appears likely that a positive duty to promote gender equality will soon be imposed upon public authorities, which will complement similar race and disability duties. Will the introduction of this positive gender equality duty add to, detract or complement existing statutory provisions? Given the danger that ‘soft law’ initiatives may undermine existing anti-discrimination controls, will the duty provide a clear steer to public authorities, or will it lack teeth, substance and direction, and possibly even prove counter-productive? Such positive duties are designed to compensate for the limitations of existing anti-discrimination law, by requiring the taking of positive steps to promote equality and eliminate discrimination, rather than just compelling a reactive compliance with the letter of the (equality) law. The justifications in principle for the introduction of such duties are strong: for the first time, the introduction of a positive gender duty will impose a clear legislative obligation upon public authorities to adopt a substantive equality approach and to take proactive action to redress patterns of disadvantage linked to gender discrimination. Serious concerns do however exist as to the extent to which such duties can be enforced, and the danger that they will simply encourage greater bureaucratic activity at the expense of real change. The proposed gender duty, as with the other duties that have been introduced, is no panacea. Nevertheless, it does constitute a good start, can serve a useful function by empowering public authorities to take positive action, and if effectively used will be a very valuable point of pressure to push for better things.


Author(s):  
Qusthan Firdaus

<div><p><strong>Abstrak :</strong> Artikel ini mendiskusikan zuhd sebagai sebuah penanda etis (an ethical bon mot) sekaligus membandingkannya dengan argumen Moore mengenai kesenangan. Memaksimalkan output dan meminimalkan input merupakan dua premis dasar yang menyusun zuhd. Keduanya membawa kepada kewajiban positif dan negatif. Kewajiban positif berakar pada hak untuk berekspresi secara bebas sementara kewajiban negatif berakar pada hak untuk bekerja pada lingkungan yang adil dan disukai. Di samping itu, argumen Moore mengenai kesenangan tidak memadai untuk menjadi sebuah penanda etis karena bersifat  subjektif. Dengan demikian, zuhd memiliki kualitas yang lebih baik daripada kesenangan untuk menjadi sebuah penanda etis.</p><p><em>Kata Kunci : Zuhud,  pleasure (Kesenangan), Penanda etis, Kewajiban posistif, Kewajiban negatif</em></p><p><em><br /></em><strong>Abstract :</strong> This article discusses about Zuhd as an ethical sign (an ethical bon mot), all at once to compare it with Moor’s argument on pleasure. Maximizing output and minimizing input  constitute two basic premises which composed zuhd. Both of  them lead to positive and negative duties. Positive duty is rooted  on right to express freely, while negative duty is rooted on right  to work in just and prefer domain. Moreover, Moor’s argument  of pleasure is unsufficient to be an ethical sigh, for it is very subjective argument. By this, Zuhd has a better quality than  pleasure to be an ethical sign or marker.</p><p><em>Keywords : Zuhud, Pleasure, Ethical bon mot, Positive duties, Negative duties</em></p></div>


2014 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel Kahn

AbstractAccording to the standard reading of Kant's formula of universal law (FUL), positive duties can be derived from FUL. In this article, I argue that the standard reading does not work. In the first section, I articulate FUL and what I mean by a positive duty. In the second section, I set out an intuitive version of the standard reading of FUL and argue that it does not work. In the third section, I set out a more rigorous version of the standard reading of FUL and argue that even this more rigorous version does not work.


2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ainhoa Fernández-Pérez ◽  
María de las Nieves López-García ◽  
José Pedro Ramos Requena

In this paper we present a non-conventional statistical arbitrage technique based in varying the number of standard deviations used to carry the trading strategy. We will show how values of 1 and 1,2 in the standard deviation provide better results that the classic strategy of Gatev et al (2006). An empirical application is performance using data of the FST100 index during the period 2010 to June 2019.


AIAA Journal ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 39 ◽  
pp. 1037-1046
Author(s):  
R. J. Minniti ◽  
W. K. Blake ◽  
T. J. Mueller

Think India ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 535-546
Author(s):  
ABHISHEK CHOUDHARY

The paper analyses the concerns arising from a moral perspective in the context of a renewed arms race in South Asia. It challenges the idea that possession of nuclear power could in any way contribute to any sort of balance. The emulation of so-called great powers and expecting that balance would arrive as it did in the case of the US and the erstwhile-USSR during cold war is detrimental to the temporal and spatial uniqueness of South Asia. Deterrence, based on rational choice theory, does not apply to the South Asian context due to ambiguity owing to mutual mistrust especially in the case of India and Pakistan. Also, it no longer only sates that are sole actors in the international arena. One cannot expect the non-state actors to behave in a rational manner. Furthermore, the idea of ‘credible minimum deterrence’ itself is questionable as it is a flexible posture adjusted to relative prowess and ambiguity in policy further aggravates the situation. The paper argues from a consequentialist notion of ethics and argues that the principles of harm and equity ought be part of nuclear decision-making. Another aspect that the paper uncovers relates to the ‘reification’ of nuclear power. Using a neo-Marxist framework and concept of Lukács, the paper argues that it is no longer the state as a repository of power that decides the trajectory of nuclear development. Rather the nuclear technology has started to dictate the way states are looking at regional and international relations. This inverted relationship has been created due to neglect of any ethical toolkit. The paper thus proposes an ethical toolkit that focuses on the negative duties of not to harm and also the positive duties to create conditions that would avoid harm being done to people.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (5) ◽  
pp. 45
Author(s):  
Dmitri Fujii

Recent literature on Mexican industry has emphasized its uneven sectorial development: some sectors have been successful, while the rest remain well behind. Given these circumstances, the present paper proposes a particular division for Mexican industry in High-Tech and Low-Tech sectors. This division is based on technological capabilities for a particular sample of industries during the nineties and verified for statistical robustness using the discriminant analysis technique. Finally, the division is used for an empirical application in terms of profitability and market structure. The empirical results reveal a diverse behaviour of the High-Tech and Low-Tech groups.


Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 026339572110317
Author(s):  
Christian Schnaudt ◽  
Jan W van Deth ◽  
Carolin Zorell ◽  
Yannis Theocharis

Over the last two decades, scholars have investigated norms of citizenship by focussing primarily on ‘dutiful’ and ‘engaged’ norms. In the meantime, contemporary democracies have witnessed growing demands for more sustainable styles of living and increasing public support for authoritarian and populist ideas. These developments point to both a change and an expansion of conventional understandings and conceptions of what a ‘good citizen’ in a democratic polity ought to do. Specifically, they raise questions about whether demands for more sustainability and increasing support for populist ideas establish new facets of democratic citizenship, and if so, how they can be meaningfully incorporated into existing images of citizenship. This study provides a re-conceptualization of citizenship norms and empirically tests a new measurement instrument using original data collected in Germany in 2019. The empirical application of an expanded set of items demonstrates the existence of more variegated facets of norms of citizenship, including norms to safeguard a sustainable future and distinct populist facets emphasizing the relevance of trust in authorities and experts as well as reliance on feelings and emotions. Contemporary conceptions of citizenship thus go beyond conventional distinctions between dutiful and engaged norms of citizenship.


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