Legal Certainty in Terms of Head-of-State Immunity from an African and an International Perspective: The Article 27(2) Conundrum

Author(s):  
Roxan Venter ◽  
Martha M. Bradley
1999 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 207-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Warbrick ◽  
Dominic McGoldrick ◽  
Hazel Fox

The case of Pinochet has aroused enormous interest, both political and legal. The spectacle of the General, whose regime sent so many to their deaths, himself under arrest and standing trial has stirred the hopes of the oppressed. His reversal of fortune, loss of liberty with a policeman, on the door, has been heralded by organisations for the protection of human rights as one small step on the long road to justice. For lawyers generally, the House of Lords' majority decision of 1998 that General Pinochet enjoyed no immunity signalled a shift from a State-centred order of things.1 It suggested that the process of restriction of State immunity, so effectively begun with the removal of commercial transactions from its protection, might now extend some way into the field of criminal proceedings. And it further posed the intriguing question whether an act categorised as within the exercise of sovereign power, so as to relieve the individual official of liability in civil proceedings, may at the same time, as well as subsequent to his retirement, attract parallel personal criminal liability.


Author(s):  
Shannon Bosch

The tragic killing of Jamal Khashoggi in the Saudi Consulate in Turkey has once again exposed the potential for abuse of privileges afforded diplomatic and consular missions. This incident, which involves torture and murder, occurred at a time when there was, and still is, a growing body of international jurisprudence that demands accountability for breaches of international law. These trends have seen a dilution in head-of-state immunity and increased calls for state responsibility in such instances. Understanding and interpreting the 1961 Vienna Conventions on consular and diplomatic inviolability, in light of these trends, will help to retain their relevance, foster growing accountability, and prevent breaches of international law. This is a piece of doctrinal legal research.


Author(s):  
Fox Hazel

This chapter provides an account of the immunities of the State, its officials, and state agencies in international law. It first offers a general description of the plea of state immunity and a brief historical account of the development of the law of state immunity. Then it briefly sets out the law relating to the immunities of the State itself as a legal person, followed by the law applicable to its officials and to state agencies. In addition an account based on customary international law will be provided on the immunities of senior state officials. The chapter concludes by taking note of the extent to which the practice of diplomatic missions at the present time accords with requirements of state immunity law as now set out in written form in the 2004 UN Convention on the Jurisdictional Immunities of States and their Property.


2013 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 97-124
Author(s):  
Lucas Bastin

Abstract This article considers whether the rulers of the seven United Arab Emirates are immune from civil suits before English courts. It commences by summarising the constitutional structure of the UAE and political roles which the Emirate rulers play within its federal government, before setting out the relevant English and international law of State and head of State immunity. Having explained this background, this article assesses the position of each ruler and concludes that the rulers of Abu Dhabi and Dubai are immune from civil suits before English courts but that the rulers of Sharjah, Ra’s al-Khaimah, Fujairah, Umm al-Qaiwain and Ajman are less likely to attract immunity.


Author(s):  
Maunganidze Ottilia Anna ◽  
du Plessis Anton

The relationship between the ICC and the AU has become a frequent bone of contention. The impact is naturally political, but it has also had an appreciable influence on ICC practice. This chapter analyses the legal and political background to the persistent disagreement, including the origin and foundation of divergent positions, such as, for instance, on head of state immunity and cooperation duties. It cautions against an oversimplification of ‘African’ views while also highlighting the progress made by some African countries in investigating, prosecuting, and adjudicating international crimes. It further examines the proposed expansion of the African Court of Justice and Human Rights’ jurisdiction to deal with serious crimes, including international crimes, and the implications thereof.


2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 193-220
Author(s):  
Loammi Wolf

Section 81 of the Constitution regulates promulgation through publication as part of the legislative process (ie, a procedural norm). The provision further creates a presumption that unless the legislature explicitly determines a commencement date in an Act it enters into force upon promulgation. The commencement date of legislation is thus part of the contents of a statute (ie, a substantive norm), which must be determined by the legislature when adopting the legislation. In a number of judgments, however, the Constitutional Court espoused the idea that the commencement date is part of the legislative process instead of being part of the contents of a statute. Thus it allowed the legislature to delegate its power to determine a commencement date for legislation to the president as head of state in transgression of section 44(1)(a)(iii) of the Constitution: this provision only mandates a delegation of core legislative powers to another legislative body. The confusion is partly due to an initial tendency of the Constitutional Court to interpret constitutional provisions in isolation and partly to the unconsidered re-importation of Westminster constitutiona common law. In the Westminster system a delegation of the power to determine a later commencement date for legislation (ie, after promulgation) to the executive and/or head of state was justified in terms of the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty. Parliamentary sovereignty, however, was abolished in 1994: such a delegation of power is no longer compromises legislative power and the separation of powers, but goes to the substance of the rule of law and legal certainty as foundational values of the constitutional state. Compatible with sections 44(1)(a)(iii), 55(2)(b)(i), 79 and 87 of the Constitution. Lately, the Constitutional Court even ruled that the power to determine a commencement date for legislation is an executive power, which is to be exercised in terms of sections 85 and 101 of the Constitution, although section 81 explicitly confers this power upon the legislature. A reconsideration of the Court’s interpretation of section 81 is therefore overdue: it not only compromises legislative power and the separation of powers, but goes to the substance of the rule of law and legal certainty as foundational values of the constitutional state.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-72
Author(s):  
Florian Held

Over the course of the past decade, the question of whether States Parties to the International Criminal Court (ICC) could rely on Al Bashir's Head of State immunity when refusing to execute the Court's arrest warrants has occupied the Court through five different cases, finally reaching an Appeals Chamber decision in May 2019. Although Al Bashir has been deposed from power and the controversy around the case has diminished, there are still valuable lessons to be learned from the case law produced. This article poses the question of what kind of court the ICC really is: is it merely enforcing the will of its States Parties or does it develop an independent existence following its own agenda? In the process, the article will shine a light on how the Appeals Chamber is moving the ICC towards a path of judicial independence: it is willing to stretch the limits of the Rome Statute and to possibly disregard the interests of its States Parties. By pronouncing on the absence of a customary rule of Head of State immunity before international courts, the Appeals Chamber aims to broaden the ICC's jurisdiction and to sharpen its profile as an international court acting on behalf of the international community and enforcing a global jus puniendi. Examining the decade of Al Bashir jurisprudence, it becomes clear where these findings originate and why they were by no means unavoidable. Finally, the article will indicate how the distilled features of the Court's character might be put to the test – or how the result of a decade of case law will silently evaporate.


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