The Open Ocean for Interimperial Collaboration

Author(s):  
Tomoko Akami

This chapter examines the Pacific Ocean as a transnational space from the perspective of the US as a new maritime empire in the region, and proposes an alternative analytical perspective for this analysis, interimperialism, to three currently dominant ones; imperialism versus nationalism; a vertical analysis of an empire; and power conflicts among the empires. The chapter focuses on experts at the two institutions, namely, the Institute of Pacific Relations and the Pan Pacific Science Congress, in the 1920s, and examines the nature of their Pan Pacific visions, a Pacific version of Pan Americanism. It argues that these experts saw the ocean as an open space that connected the people in and across the Pacific and pursued interimperial cooperative schemes, not as a space divided into closed seas where various polities competed for territorial control. Their interimperial schemes had two distinct characteristics; first, they framed their objectives in the rhetoric of a shared “imperial civilizing mission.” which satisfied moral guilt of the metropolitan elite, but still reinforced their empires’ superior position over the colonized. Second, Pan Pacific schemes ensured interimperial cooperation of managing the ocean space, rather than a conflict.

2012 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
George H.S. Singer ◽  
Garry Hornby ◽  
Jiyeon Park ◽  
Mian Wang ◽  
Jiacheng Xu

In Pacific Rim countries parents of children with developmental disabilities have organized peer support organizations. One form of peer support is Parent to Parent based on one to one connections between two parents. The movements to create and sustain peer support in the U.S., New Zealand, China, and Korea are described. Qualitative evidence from interviews in the US indicates several reasons why Parent to Parent is effective for some of the people who obtain social provisions from the organizations. Peer support helps parents resist social stigma, gain hope, and obtain persuasive guidance. They are able to exchange situated knowledge from their lived experiences with children with disabilities (Brown, Collins & Duguid, 1989). This kind of information may not be available through other sources.


Author(s):  
S.O. Buranok ◽  

The article is devoted to the problem of formation of approaches and assessments of the Chinese crisis of 1931 in the US press; it is based on the materials of both Democratic and Republican press of the USA. The materials of the American press of 1931 dedicated to the search for the most efficient optimal strategy of building relations with China and Japan demonstrate a steady interest of American mass media towards negative and positive experience of Asianpolicy. In the course of a difficult search of an optimal view on crisis, several polar points of view were formulated in the American press. A study of daily newspapers and analytical magazines in the United States shows that in the fall of 1931 two approaches to the «Chinese incident» were formed: isolationist and internationalist. In the fall of 1931, the US periodicals did not yet have the idea of “saving China”, which became popular during the second Sino-Japanese war. The journalists and editors viewed a tacit and indirect support for the Japanese claims as only significant model for solving the «China problem». Thus, the study of the positions of the major American press and the most prominent journalists is important for understanding how the USA, after the Chinese crisis, gradually realized its place in the new system of international relations. In addition, the press shows how the United States planned to develop interaction with the warring states in the Pacific Ocean.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Sri Yunanto ◽  
Galby Rifqi Samhudi

The rise of China that goes along with strategic shifts around the Indian and the Pacific Ocean has started a new stage of major power contestation recently. ASEAN which acts as a host in Southeast Asia has certain stands to deal with the challenges and opportunities presented by the competition. On the other hand, the US Government with its global interests will never ever allow this region to fall into China’s influence. Simultaneously, both ASEAN and the US have the same approach in this situation to utilize the framework of Indo-Pacific cooperation that is definitively open to any explication in order to gain advantages resulted from the global interaction over the region. Nevertheless, their perceptions on the matter of defining the cooperative framework of Indo-Pacific are apparently diverse. Hence, this paper attempts to analyze the rationale of ASEAN and the US development of the Indo-Pacific cooperative concept based on their respective strategic assessment. This paper argues that the distinctive interests and insight of threats from ASEAN and the US toward the rise of China as well as major power contestation in the region are being the two main factors in their different perceptions on the concept of Indo-Pacific cooperative framework.


2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 46-61
Author(s):  
Rob Wilson

As an ethical and aesthetic mandate for the new millenium, the Cold War repression of Hiroshima within the American political imaginaryneeds to be symbolically confronted and undoneat national as well as global levels.As Americans and as Japanese citizens of the liberal global order, we must mutually move beyond the Cold War situation of historical repression that had obtained in 1965, when novelist Kenzaburo Ōelamented, “To put the matter plainly and bluntly, people everywhere on this earth are trying to forget Hiroshima and the unspeakable tragedy perpetrated there.” However traumatic, Americans and their allies must try to remember this Hiroshima sublimeas a trauma of geopolitical dominationand racialized hegemony across the Pacific Ocean. By thinking through and re-imagining the techno-euphoric grandeur of this Hiroshima sublime, as well as representing the ideological complicity of ordinary Americans in their own sublime (rapturedby these technological forces of sublimity as manifesting and globally installingPatriot missilesas signs of theirglobal supremacy) and ordinary Japanese (citizens of the Empire of the Sun fascinatedby self-sublation into zeros of solar force) in the production of this nuclear sublime, we can begin to mutually recognize that a ‘post-nuclear’era offers new possibilities and symbolic ties between America and Japan as Pacific powers. This post-nuclear era emerges out of World War II freighted with terror and wonder as a double possibility:at once urging the globe towards annihilation andyet also towards transactional and dialogical unityat the transnational border of national self-imagining. The phobic masochism of the sublime can no longer operate in a transnational world of global/local linkages, although the technological sublimity of the Persian Gulf War had suggested otherwise, withits “sublime Patriot”missiles and quasi-nuclear landscapes lingering in the world deserts from Iraq and Afganistan to Nevada and North Korea.


2021 ◽  
Vol 98 (3) ◽  
pp. 78-96
Author(s):  
Diana L. Ahmad

The story of the people who sailed the Pacific Ocean from San Francisco to Hawai‘i, Samoa, and points beyond is well documented, yet historians have neglected the voyages themselves and what the travelers encountered on the five-day to five-week journeys to their destinations. Those who crossed the Pacific recorded their thoughts about the sea creatures they discovered, the birds that followed the ships, and the potential of American expansion to the islands. They gossiped about their shipmates, celebrated the change in time zones, and feared the sharks that swam near the vessels. The voyagers had little else to distract them from the many miles of endless water, so they paid attention to their surroundings: nature, people, and shipboard activities. The adventures on the ships enlivened their travels to the islands of the Pacific and proved to be an opportunity to expand their personal horizons, as well as their hopes for the United States.


2019 ◽  
pp. 61-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
David M. Malone

The Trans-Pacific Partnership (known in its TPP11 format as the Comprehensive and Progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership) embodies a project of economic cooperation among countries of four continents sharing the Pacific Ocean. It was driven by the international political imperative felt by the Obama administration to bind Asian allies closer to the United States through a meaningful trade agreement at a time marked by China’s vertiginous rise economically and as a global power. The 2017 withdrawal of the United States from the TPP project undermined US credibility in Asia (and elsewhere), while doing little to impede China’s rise. This chapter assesses in Asian perspective the geopolitical implications of this profound disorientation in US foreign policy, and the consequences of the eleven remaining states having decided to proceed without the United States.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eduard Fabregat ◽  
Farooq A. Kperogi

This article explores how America’s mainline institutional media portrayed Guam, an unincorporated US territory in the Pacific Ocean that is home to important American military bases, in a time of heightened tensions between the United States and North Korea. Guamanians represent marginal racial ‘others’ who are nonetheless ensconced in a consequential part of the US military architecture. Using a combination of topic modelling and network analysis, our study analysed 2480 articles from 44 different mainstream newspapers in the United States between April 2017 and June 2018 in order to examine the contradictory depiction of an ‘other’ that is simultaneously foreign and domestic. Our results present evidence of a hegemonic portrayal of Guam as an intrinsic part of the US as well as a depiction of the threat to Guam as an attack on the US without acknowledging the marginality of Guam and its inhabitants in US politics.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-38
Author(s):  
Seung H. Baek ◽  
Jason E. Smerdon ◽  
Benjamin I. Cook ◽  
A. Park Williams

Abstract:Droughts that span the states of Washington, Oregon, and California are rare but devastating due to their large spatial coverage and potential loss of redundancies in water, agricultural, and fire-fighting resources. Such pan-coastal droughts (which we define using boreal summer volumetric soil moisture along the US Pacific coast (32 – 50°N; 115 – 127°W)) require a more precise understanding of the roles played by the Pacific Ocean and internal atmospheric variability. We employ 16-member ensembles of the Community Atmosphere Model 5 and Community Climate Model 3 forced with observed sea surface temperatures (SSTs) from 1856 – 2012 to explicitly separate and quantify the influences of the tropical Pacific and internal atmospheric variability on pan-coastal droughts; all other boundary conditions are kept at climatological levels to explicitly isolate for the impacts of SST changes. Internal atmospheric variability is the dominant driver of pan-coastal droughts, accounting for 84% of their severity and can reliably generate pan-coastal droughts even when ocean conditions do not favor drought. Cold phases of the Pacific Ocean play a secondary role and contribute, on average, only 16% to pan-coastal drought severity. Spatiotemporal analyses of precipitation and soil moisture along the US Pacific coast corroborate these findings and identify an anti-phased, wet/dry dipole pattern induced by the Pacific to play a more secondary role. Our model framework expands on previous observational analyses that point to the spatially uniform forcing of internal atmospheric variability as the more dominant mode of hydroclimate variability along the US Pacific coast. The secondary nature of oceanic forcing suggests limited predictability of pan-continental droughts.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 180-183
Author(s):  
Sergey Olegovich Buranok

The paper is devoted to the problem of approaches and assessments formation of the Chinese crisis of 1931 in the US press. No research in Chinas image during the Interbellum would be complete without studying the press of the participating parties. In order to give a detailed analysis of the international relationships in terms of the global transformations from the American point of view, the author draws relevant newspaper articles published after 1931. The materials of the American press of 1931 dedicated to the search for the most efficient optimal strategy of building relations with China and Japan show, among other things, a steady interest of American mass media towards negative and positive experience of Asian policy. All the complexity of the crisis perception was reflected in the press, which tried to form an understanding of the new process in which America was involved. In the course of a difficult search of an optimal way and a view on the crisis, several polar points of view were formulated in the American press. Thus, the study of the attitude of the major American press and the positions of the most prominent journalists is of interest to the analysis of how the USA after the Chinese crisis gradually realized the place of the country in the new system of international relations. In addition, the press shows how the United States planned to develop interaction with the warring states in the Pacific Ocean. The paper is based on the materials of both Democratic and Republican press of the USA.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 210-212
Author(s):  
Sergey O. Buranok ◽  
Daria Yu. Selifontva

The paper is devoted to the problem of approaches and assessments of the Chinese crisis of 19311949 in the US press. No research in Chinas image during the Interbellum would be complete without studying the press of the participating parties. In order to give a detailed analysis of the international relationships in terms of the global transformations from the American point of view, the authors analyze relevant newspaper articles published after the 19311949. The paper is based on materials of democratic and republican editions of the USA press. The materials of the American press of 19311949, dedicated to the search for the most efficient optimal strategy of building relations with China and Japan, show that among other things there is a steady interest of American mass media towards negative and positive experience of Asian policy. All the complexity of the crisis perception was reflected in the press, which tried to form an understanding of the new process in which America was involved. In the course of a difficult search of an optimal way and a view on the crisis, several polar points of view were formulated in the American press. The image of China was an important factor in the US information policy. Thus, the study of the attitude of the major American press and the positions of the most prominent journalists is of interest to the analysis of how the USA after the Chinese crisis gradually realized the place of the country in the new system of international relations. In addition, the press shows how the United States planned to develop interaction with the warring states in the Pacific Ocean.


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