Background

Author(s):  
William Stuart Nance

This chapter briefly summarizes the development of American mechanized cavalry doctrine and organization from the First World War to the Second. It highlights the tension in the cavalry branch over how best to incorporate new technology while still maintaining the core skill sets required of cavalry. It shows how mechanized cavalry doctrine became stunted by the creation of the armored force, as well as by ideological differences across the branch and Army Ground Forces.

Author(s):  
Ekaterina Simonenko ◽  

Introduction. The paper is devoted to the participation of Canada in the creation and activities of the Imperial War Cabinet and two Imperial War Conferences of 1917 and 1918 to explain the evolution of the foreign and political status of Canada as a part of the British Empire after the end of the War. Methods and materials. The paper is based on the British and Canadian Parliamentary Debates, Reports, Minutes of Proceedings and Meetings of the Imperial War Conferences 1917/1918 and the Imperial War Cabinet. To study them, it uses the method of historical criticism of sources. The author also uses the historical-genetic, comparative and the narrative methods to investigate the causes, the process of creating and activities of imperial military bodies for the unified management of the war. Analysis. The paper analyzes the reasons for the creation of imperial military organizations in the British Empire during the war. It reveals the organizational and functional differences between the two imperial military bodies: Cabinet and Conference. The author studies the activities of imperial military bodies during the war in detail, determines the role of the Canadian delegation in this process. The article analyzes the decisions of the imperial military bodies, reveals their domestic and foreign policy consequences for Dominion of Canada. Results. Canada’s active participation in the creation and activities of the imperial military bodies during the First World War was one of the factors in the transformation of the Empire into the Commonwealth of Nations, the formation of its own national identity, political and foreign independence within the Empire.


1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 875-898 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip M. Taylor

In July 1918 it was the considered opinion of Lord Northcliffe that propaganda and diplomacy were incompatible. When, only five months earlier, Northcliffe had accepted Lloyd George's invitation to take charge of the newly created department of enemy propaganda, his appointment, coupled with that of Lord Beaverbrook as Britain's first minister of information, had held out the promise of a new phase in the efficiency and co-ordination of Britain's conduct of official propaganda in foreign countries. It was then, in February 1918, that the Foreign Office had finally been forced to relinquish its control over such work. However, the creation of the two new departments had produced an intolerable situation. After three years of inter-departmental rivalry and squabbling over the conduct of propaganda overseas, Whitehall closed ranks on Beaverbrook and Northcliffe and united behind the Foreign Office in opposition to any further transference of related duties into their hands. Now, after five months of continued obstruction, Northcliffe expressed the view that:As a people we do not understand propaganda ways…Propaganda is advertising and diplomacy is no more likely to understand advertising than advertising is likely to understand diplomacy.


1991 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-142
Author(s):  
Taha J. Al 'Alwani

The Polemics of IjtihadFrom the second hijri century until the present day, the reality, the essence,the rules, the conditions, the premises, the means, and the scope of ijtihadhave remained a source of debate engaging some of the Islamic world's greatesttheologians, scholars of al usul, and fuqaha': This debate has also been enrichedby proponents of the view that the door of ijtihad was closed and that thefiqh left by the Four Imams obviated the need for any further ijtihad, aswell as by those who claimed that this door was still open and that the existingfiqh was not sufficient to guide the contemporary Muslim world.In our own times, attention is now focused on the suitability of the Shari'ahas an order and a way of life. This new topic of debate, before unknownamong Muslims, emerged after the crushmg defeats experienced by the Muslimummah after the First World War, such as the dismantling of the khihfahand the creation of artificial states ruled from Europe. Many Muslims blamedIslam and its institutions for their defeat, and soon began to emulate theirconquerors. Others, however, had a quite different view: the Muslim ummahexperienced these disasters because it had become alienated from the eternaltruths of Islam. Thus, what was required was a return to the true Islam andnot its wholesale rejection in favor of alien institutions and ideologies. Onefundamental part of this return would have to be the use of ijtihad, for howelse could Muslims incorporate Islamic principles into situations with whichthey had never had to deal?Muslims who hold the latter view are aware of the fact that they mustmeet their opponents in the realm of ideas, for it is here that the future courseof the ummah will be decided. To be successful, much energy must beexpended in scholarship and conceptual thinking, in seeking to understandhumanity's place in the divine scheme of existence and what is expected ofit, and how this knowledge might be applied by Muslims as they struggle ...


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 557-559
Author(s):  
Matthew Johnson

Jonathan Evershed presents a compelling account of the clear dangers that lie in forms of state-led remembrance. The danger is, of course, that, in commemorating, actual experience is lost. While I do not wish to challenge any of the core claims in the piece, I do think that there is one element that requires greater examination: Evershed’s claim that contemporary Irish conceptions of the First World War as ‘A war that stopped a war’ ‘contributes to a (post)colonial and militaristic nostalgia in British political culture’. While the dangers of that for Northern Ireland are clear, perhaps the greatest risks lie in England, since any such benign account of the conflict serves radically to distort the experience of those soldiers commonly regarded as identifying as British and painted as being motivated by patriotism. Drawing on experience from Tyneside, I argue that, in considering the nature of that conflict, we must remember the many diverse, and often banal, reasons for working class engagement in conflict.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (48) ◽  

The Ottoman Empire signed an alliance agreement with Germany right after the start of the First World War. After the Alliance treaty, political and military targets were determined in the meeting held among the leaders of the Committee of Union and Progress to determine the policy to be followed. In this meeting, it was also decided to set up an Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa, which would carry out a guerilla war for the army. Establishment of Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa, immediately after the alliance signed with Germany, shows that Germany is also looking at this kind of initiative. It was established under the proposal of Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa Enver Pasha under the Ministry of War. Süleyman Askeri Bey, who dealt with the guerilla war, was brought to the head of the Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa. The next two presidents were elected among soldiers of military origin. Unionist officers formed the core of the organization. Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa carried out activities in the Balkans, Caucasus, Morocco, Tripoli, Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq and Syria during the First World War. However, during the war, the Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa underwent some changes. After Ali Başhampa, a civilian, became the president, the name of Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa became Umur-ı Şarkiyye Dairesi, and Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa became more central and civil. Following this change, Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa started to conduct propaganda rather than military activity. In this article, the activities carried out by Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa during the First World War will be evaluated. Keywords: Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa, Enver Pashaa, the Committee of Union and Progress, the Ottoman Empire


2021 ◽  
pp. 25-42
Author(s):  
Olga Bilobrovets

The purpose of this study is to analyze the research on the First World War, specifically focusing on changing topics and new discourses, clarifying the place and role of the Great War in the historical memory of Ukrainian and Polish peoples over the centuries and analyzing the means of its actualization and memorialization. The research methodology is based on comparative studies aiming to shed light on convergence and divergence in the historical memory of the First World War in Ukraine and Poland over the past hundred years. The historical-analytical method is employed to characterize the Ukrainian and Polish historiography on the Great War and analyze the information space to identify current trends in representing war events, new discourses, and commemorative practices. The scientific novelty. The study highlights new approaches to the study of the First World War by historians and demonstrates the growth of its role and importance in the historical memory of Ukraine and Poland in the first decades of the XXI century. Conclusions. The First World War, though being an epoch-making event in the history of mankind for decades, was considered a "forgotten" war and received little attention in the historical research of Ukrainian and Polish scholars. In Soviet historiography, it was positioned as the war of the imperialists and did not arouse much interest. Polish historians mainly focused on studying the solution to the Polish issue during the war, the activities of Polish socialist political parties, and the revival of Polish statehood. Only in the late 90's of the twentieth century, a number of studies on the Great War appeared in Poland and Ukraine, with topics of research and discourses revealing such global phenomena as refugees, showing economic, social, and cultural aspects of the war, clarifying the personal, emotional, and psychological level of its perception by the population of warring countries. On the 100th anniversary of the beginning and end of the Great War, the popularization of knowledge about the war was intensified through the creation of special programs, documentaries and feature films, a series of interviews, TV and radio programs with famous historians discussing the main events and consequences of the war, reflecting on its lessons and prevention of future military conflicts. In Poland, the jubilee anniversaries of the war facilitated the resumption of activities to perpetuate the memory of the war participants through the installation of monuments, memorials, and the creation of museum exhibits.


1994 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 209-217 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antoine Prost

I would like to discuss George Mosse's excellent and stimulating book, Fallen soldiers, mainly from a French point of view, and to comment upon some issues about the political and moral consequences of the First World War upon French and German societies.The core of the question is Mosse's assumption of a strong relationship between the war experience and the emergence of nazism in Germany. Hence, I shall examine first the reasons why, in Mosse's argument, Hitlerism appears as a consequence of the war. Then I ask why such an evolution did not happen in France, although the war experience was quite similar in the two countries.


2009 ◽  
Vol 68 (3) ◽  
pp. 264-286
Author(s):  
Luc Vandeweyer

De partij, het Vlaamsche Front, werd door de vooraanstaande Vlaams-nationalistische historicus Hendrik Elias in de jaren zestig van de 20ste eeuw beschreven als een partij waar sociaal bewogen, pacifistische en links-revolutionaire wereldverbeteraars een plaats vonden en invloed uitoefenden. Die strekking werd verbonden met het vage begrip ‘humanitair’ en met een uitgesproken democratische en pacifistische ingesteldheid. Haar werd verhoudingsgewijs erg belangrijke rol toegedicht in het Vlaams-nationalisme van die naoorlogse jaren. Robert Van Roosbroeck, geboren in Antwerpen in 1898, was vier jaar ouder dan Hendrik Elias. Hij had deze jaren als jong, militant kaderlid van de partij meegemaakt. Elias gebruikte hem als bron voor de beschrijving van de overgang van oorlog naar vrede in het Vlaams-nationalisme in Antwerpen. Van Roosbroeck  had daardoor een grote invloed op de creatie van dit humanitaire en pacifistische amigo van het Vlaamsche Front. De autobiografische teksten waarmee hij Elias beïnvloedde, zijn het onderwerp van deze bronuitgave.________The foundation of The Flemish Front in Antwerp. A testimony by Rob Van RoosbroeckIn the nineteen sixties Hendrik Elias, the prominent Flemish Nationalist historian, described the Flemish Front party, which was founded after the First World War, as a party where pacifists with a social conscience and left-revolutionary do-gooders found a niche and exerted influence. That meaning was linked with the vague concept of ‘humanitarian’ and a more explicit democratic and pacifist conviction. The Flemish-Nationalism of those past war years attributed a comparatively large role to the Flemish Front. Robert Van Roosbroeck, born in Antwerp in 1898, was four years older than Hendrik Elias. He had experienced these years as a young, militant executive member of the party. Elias used him as a source for the description of the transition from war to peace in Flemish Nationalism in Antwerp. For that reason Van Roosbroeck greatly influenced the creation of the humanitarian and pacifist image of the Flemish Front. The autobiographic texts with which he influenced Elias constitute the subject of this source publication.


Author(s):  
Gordon Boyce

This chapter examines the role of executives within the Furness Group and the way in which they conducted the Group’s affairs. It seeks to determine the structure of Furness Withy’s personnel in 1919 and the disruptive factors that surrounded it, such as the First World War, and the withdrawal of the Furness family. It uses the structural management theories of Alfred Chandler, Edith Penrose, and Peter Payne to explain how ownership and control of Furness Withy became divorced, yet personal concerns and motivations continued to structure the company’s development. It also explores statements and publications written by Christopher Furness and his associates that illuminate his management strategies and incentives, and the organisational direction within the Group. At the core of the chapter is the question of whether the Group failed to consolidate their interests due to executives failing to implement their knowledge, or due to the administrative complexity surrounding the expansion efforts of the Group. It concludes that as the Furness family withdrew, their dynastic style of management continued to influence the next generation of leadership, a curious but not overtly hindering development.


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