Creating Football Diplomacy in the French Third Republic, 1914–1939

2020 ◽  
pp. 30-47
Author(s):  
Paul Dietschy

In 1920, the French Ministry for Foreign Affairs created a special section within its propaganda services in the aims of fighting the image of a postwar exhausted France, utilizing soccer within its efforts. This section created a soccer diplomacy and contributed to spreading French influence despite the weakness of French football and French decline in the 1930s. This chapter exposes and explains the contradiction and the paradox of this kind of soccer diplomacy. French diplomats began to understand that soccer matches and competitions were a new and sometimes efficient way to spread propaganda or to analyze the evolution of international relations in the interwar period. Yet, despite the dynamism of the sport and tourism service at its beginning, the government gave little financial help to the French Football Federation, especially when France organized the World Cup in 1938. The French state’s support of football within international relations in the 1930s demonstrates the challenges of soccer diplomacy. Even with the creation of a specific branch of the foreign ministry that focused on sport, international matches and major events such as the 1938 FIFA World Cup reveal the limits of the ambitions of this kind of soccer diplomacy.

Subject Brazilian foreign policy under Aloysio Nunes. Significance Senator Aloysio Nunes, who took office as foreign minister on March 7, is an experienced politician from the centre-right Social Democrats (PSDB). He led the bloc supporting the government of President Michel Temer in the Senate, where he was also since 2015 head of the Commission of Foreign Affairs and National Defence. Nunes replaces Jose Serra at the foreign ministry and will seek overall continuity of Serra's agenda focused on the pursuit of trade opening and border security. Impacts Brazil lacks a clear strategy for its crucial relationship with China. Border security, a key issue for Serra, will remain important for Nunes. Domestic politics may divert Nunes’s attention as the 2018 elections approach.


1992 ◽  
Vol 32 (289) ◽  
pp. 387-388

In the second half of May 1992, ICRC President Cornelio Sommaruga went to The Hague to attend the IVth Regional Conference of European National Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (18-22 May), which took as its theme “The New Europe needs The New Red Cross” (see pp. 391-393). While in The Hague, Mr. Sommaruga had talks with the Netherlands Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Minister for Cooperation Development on various current ICRC operations and on financial matters. The President thanked the government of the Kingdom of the Netherlands for its substantial support for the ICRC in the past and for its commitment to providing financial help in the future. During a working meeting at the Foreign Ministry with officials dealing with various geographical regions and with multilateral cooperation, the prospects for reconvening the 26th International Conference of the Red Cross and Red Crescent were reviewed. The President also had the opportunity, at a lunch given by the Swiss Ambassador to the Netherlands, to talk to the President of the Second Chamber of the Netherlands Parliament and to the Secretary-General of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs about humanitarian needs around the world and the degree of respect shown for international humanitarian law. Mr. Sommaruga was accompanied by Mr. Maurice Aubert, a member of the ICRC, Mr. Yves Sandoz, Director, and Mr. Michel Convers, Deputy Director.


2006 ◽  
Vol 70 (6) ◽  
pp. 509-530 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark James ◽  
Geoff Pearson

In the months prior to the 2006 FIFA World Cup in Germany, the government funded a number of targeted policing operations aimed at securing Football Banning Orders against known or suspected football hooligans. This article is based on court observations and associated interviews carried out in early 2006 in and around Manchester. It evaluates the application process, the legal tests applied and the quality of the evidence relied on by courts when determining whether the imposition of a Football Banning Order is necessary to prevent future football-related disorder being committed by the respondent. In particular, the analysis focuses on whether the use of a civil procedure can continue to be justified in the light of the punitive length of and conditions attached to these Orders, whether the correct standard of proof is being applied by the court at all stages of the application and whether policing tactics are focused too narrowly on the securing of Football Banning Orders.


2018 ◽  
pp. 215-220
Author(s):  
Abubakar Shekau

(c. JULY 2010) [Trans.: Abdulbasit Kassim] Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Okrm2ZryK90 This video is undated, but judging from its quality of production and contents, restating some of the themes in texts 7 and 14, the extra-judicial killing of Boko Haram members, allegation of the collaboration between the Izala scholars and the government—a common early theme in the aftermath of the 2009 conflict—and mentioning the arrests of Muslims because of the World Cup event (which presumably is the 2010 FIFA World Cup in South Africa), it should be dated to July 2010. In this video, Shekau reiterated the ideology of the group and its declaration of war against the Christians, Western education and secular constitution as well as the goal of establishing...


2009 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
pp. 57-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ersin Kalaycıoğlu

AbstractIn a democracy it is through the process of voting that people find an opportunity to register their likes and dislikes of domestic and foreign policy decisions most effectively. In Turkey, the recent national elections on 22 July 2007 provided an opportunity to observe the nexus between voters’ choices and foreign policy issues. Questions pertaining to problems facing the country and the campaign issues fail to give any clue as to whether people paid attention to foreign policy in making their choices among the political parties of the country. However, a closer examination of the factors determining the vote indicates that, although party identification and satisfaction with the performance of the economy and the expectations of the government in managing the economy played major roles, attitudes towards the European Union (EU), nationalism, and globalization closely followed in magnitude those two factors in determining the voters’ party preferences across the left-right spectrum. While AKP supporters had the most favorable attitude towards the EU, MHP supporters appeared highly nationalistic, and CHP voters seemed most influenced by positive orientations to openness to the world.


2020 ◽  
pp. 362-377
Author(s):  
A. A. Chemakin

The article is devoted to the activities of P. B. Struve as head of the foreign relations department of the government of the South of Russia in the spring and autumn of 1920. It is indicated that Struve, having become one of the closest assistance of Baron P. N. Wrangel, pursued a “leftist policy with his right hands” and played an important role in the recognition of the Crimea by the French authorities. Various stages of Struve’s activity in his post, connected both with his stay in the Crimea and with trips to Western Europe, are consistently considered. Using various sources, primarily press materials and memoirs of contemporaries, the author clarifi some important aspects of Struve’s activities at the head of the Crimean Foreign Ministry, as well as his position on Polish and Ukrainian issues. Criticism of Struve’s activities by the National Bolsheviks and “defeatists” who advocated an alliance with Poland against Soviet Russia is presented. According to the author of the article, despite the fact that Struve’s views on foreign and domestic policy have undergone certain changes (especially in comparison with the statements he made at the turn of 1919-1920), the basis of his views remained unchanged.


2014 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 409-412 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kimberley Shoaf ◽  
Claudia G.S. Osorio de Castro ◽  
Elaine Silva Miranda

AbstractIntroductionRegardless of the capacity of the health care system of the host nation, mass gatherings require special planning and preparedness efforts within the health system. Brazil will host the 2014 Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) World Cup and the 2016 Olympics. This paper represents the first results from Project “Prepara Brasil,” which is investigating the preparedness of the health sector and pharmaceutical services for these events.Hypothesis/ProblemThis study was designed to identify the efforts engaged in to prepare the health sector in Brazil for the FIFA World Cup 2014 event, as well as the 2016 Summer Olympics.MethodsKey informant interviews were conducted with representatives of both the municipality and hospital sectors in each of the 12 host cities where matches will be played. A semi-structured key informant interview guide was developed, with sections for each type of participant. One of each municipality's reference hospitals was identified and seven additional general hospitals were randomly selected from all of the inpatient facilities in each municipality. The interviewers were instructed to contact a reference hospital, and two of the other hospitals, in the jurisdiction for participation in the study. Questions were asked about plans for mass-gathering events, the interaction between hospitals and government officials in preparation for the World Cup, and their perceptions of their surge capacity to meet the potential demands generated by the presence of the World Cup events in their municipalities.ResultsIn all, 11 representatives of the sampled reference hospitals, and 24 representatives of other general private and public hospitals in the municipalities, were interviewed. Most of the hospitals had some interaction with government officials in preparation for the World Cup 2014. Approximately one-third (34%) received training activities from the government. Fifty-four percent (54%) of hospitals had no specific plans for communicating with the government or other agencies during the World Cup. Approximately half (51%) had plans for surge capacity during the event, but only 27% had any surge capacity for isolation of potentially infectious patients.ConclusionOverall, although there has been mention of a great deal of planning on the part of the government officials for the World Cup 2014, hospital surge to meet the potential increase in demand still falls short.ShoafK, Osorio de CastroCGS, MirandaES. Hospital preparedness in advance of the 2014 FIFA World Cup in Brazil. Prehosp Disaster Med. 2014;29(4):1-4.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 879-902
Author(s):  
Dylan M H Loh

Abstract Foreign ministries play a critical role in international relations and are the main interface of diplomacy. Yet, in international relations scholarship, foreign ministries are relatively neglected as an object of scholarly analysis and feature very little around discussions of state's agency and identity. Using China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) as a foil, I suggest that foreign ministries develop dispositions, perceive the social world around them, and react to the world from these orientations. The implication of this, then, are that foreign ministries are contributive to a state's identity and “actorness.” In that way, I develop the concept of institutional habitus to understand China's MOFA and the ways in which this habitus is sustained and performed through MOFA's physical artefacts and its agents. This rendering of habitus responds to sociology's invitation to extend Bourdieu-inspired analysis toward organizations and organizational change and, more broadly, complements existing theorization of state identity by showcasing an important but omitted source of identity: the foreign ministry. I argue that China's MOFA's organizational habitus manifests and preserves itself through three means: first, through the iterative reinscription of institutional memory and invocation of history; second, through displays of fealty; and third, in organizational and personal self-regulation, discipline, and taciturnity.


Author(s):  
A. A. Orlov ◽  
A. L. Chechevishnikov

Applied analysis of international relations began to form at MGIMO-University in the 1970s. This kind of research always attracted considerable interest of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, and other executive institutions of the government and received their support. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs initiated the creation of a special unit at MGIMO - the Problem Research Laboratory of Systems Analysis in International Relations. The Laboratory was using system analysis and quantitative methods to produce scientific information for decision-makers to make "more informed decisions in the field of international relations in order to reduce the level of uncertainty in the assessment of the expected impact of these decisions". In 2004, the successor to the Problem Laboratory - Center for International Studies - was transformed into a Research Coordination Council for International Studies, which in 2009 handed its functions to the Institute of International Studies. In comparison with previous periods the Institute of International Studies has significantly increased of research for the Ministry of International Affairs. It has also moved functionally outside its institutional boundaries and produces unclassified research for public offer. It also serves as a place for vivid public discussions among IR specialists. There's also an international recognition of the Institute of International Studies. The "Go to think tanks" international ranking produced annually at the University of Pennsylvania has put MGIMO-University on the 10th place in the category of university based think tanks.


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