scholarly journals P. B. Struve’s Activities as Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Government of the South of Russia (1920)

2020 ◽  
pp. 362-377
Author(s):  
A. A. Chemakin
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Domestic Policy ◽  
The South ◽  
The Crimea ◽  
The Government ◽  
Soviet Russia ◽  
Foreign Ministry

The article is devoted to the activities of P. B. Struve as head of the foreign relations department of the government of the South of Russia in the spring and autumn of 1920. It is indicated that Struve, having become one of the closest assistance of Baron P. N. Wrangel, pursued a “leftist policy with his right hands” and played an important role in the recognition of the Crimea by the French authorities. Various stages of Struve’s activity in his post, connected both with his stay in the Crimea and with trips to Western Europe, are consistently considered. Using various sources, primarily press materials and memoirs of contemporaries, the author clarifi some important aspects of Struve’s activities at the head of the Crimean Foreign Ministry, as well as his position on Polish and Ukrainian issues. Criticism of Struve’s activities by the National Bolsheviks and “defeatists” who advocated an alliance with Poland against Soviet Russia is presented. According to the author of the article, despite the fact that Struve’s views on foreign and domestic policy have undergone certain changes (especially in comparison with the statements he made at the turn of 1919-1920), the basis of his views remained unchanged.

THE LIBERAL CONSTITUTION AND FOREIGN AFFAIRS

2010 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-149
Author(s):  
Fernando R. Tesón
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Customary Law ◽  
Trade Barriers ◽  
Customary International Law ◽  
Liberal Government ◽  
The Government ◽  
Improved Methods ◽  
The U.S

AbstractScholars have debated the meaning of the foreign-relations clauses in the U.S. Constitution. This essay attempts to outline the foreign-relations clauses that an ideal constitution should have. A liberal constitution must enable the government to implement a morally defensible foreign policy. The first priority is the defense of liberty. The constitution must allow the government to effectively defend persons, territory, and liberal institutions themselves. The liberal government should also contribute to the advancement of global freedom, subject to a number of conditions, especially cost. The essay recommends improved methods to incorporate treaties and customary international law into the constitutional structure. Treaties should be approved by the whole legislature and should generally be self-executing. Customary law should be genuine, not fake, and consistent with liberal principles. Finally, based on economic theory and evidence, the essay recommends that liberal constitutions prohibit the government from erecting trade barriers. It concludes by tentatively proposing concrete constitutional language to implement these recommendations.

Legislatures and Foreign Relations

1917 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 643-684 ◽  
Author(s):  
Denys P. Myers
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
The State ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Treaty Ratification ◽  
Legislative Control ◽  
Complete Independence ◽  
The Government ◽  
International Phenomenon ◽  
Complete Dependence

In a previous paper foreign relations as a phase of governmental activity were considered chiefly as an international phenomenon. Such relations were there discussed largely in their political bearing and some attempt was made to deduce from practice the considerations which affect foreign offices and the conditions encountered by diplomatic personnel. The problems of secrecy in negotiations and of secret treaties were examined and an effort made to indicate how much knowledge of both may be justifiably concealed. The present paper is a study of legislative control over foreign relations.Systems of legislative handling of foreign relations may be distinguished as of three types, which we may designate as the continental, the executive, and the American. The American type is characterized by an imposed agreement between the executive and legislative departments of government before treaties can become binding upon the state. The continental type is characterized by a less complete dependence of the executive upon the legislative department in respect to treaty ratification. The executive type is characterized by an almost complete independence of the executive respecting treaty ratification.All systems recognize definitely that the conduct of foreign relations is an executive function. None denies the patent facts that it is the place of the executive to speak and act for the state, and that, in all matters not definable as legislation, the minister can definitely bind the state. Innumerable decisions under all systems are reached by the department of foreign affairs without any but the executive branch of the government knowing anything of them until they are recorded facts.

Brazilian foreign policy faces new challenges

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
Border Security ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Trade Opening ◽  
The Government ◽  
Foreign Ministry

Subject Brazilian foreign policy under Aloysio Nunes. Significance Senator Aloysio Nunes, who took office as foreign minister on March 7, is an experienced politician from the centre-right Social Democrats (PSDB). He led the bloc supporting the government of President Michel Temer in the Senate, where he was also since 2015 head of the Commission of Foreign Affairs and National Defence. Nunes replaces Jose Serra at the foreign ministry and will seek overall continuity of Serra's agenda focused on the pursuit of trade opening and border security. Impacts Brazil lacks a clear strategy for its crucial relationship with China. Border security, a key issue for Serra, will remain important for Nunes. Domestic politics may divert Nunes’s attention as the 2018 elections approach.

Missions by the President

1992 ◽  
Vol 32 (289) ◽  
pp. 387-388
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Red Cross ◽  
International Humanitarian Law ◽  
Humanitarian Law ◽  
Multilateral Cooperation ◽  
Geographical Regions ◽  
The Hague ◽  
The Government ◽  
Foreign Ministry

In the second half of May 1992, ICRC President Cornelio Sommaruga went to The Hague to attend the IVth Regional Conference of European National Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (18-22 May), which took as its theme “The New Europe needs The New Red Cross” (see pp. 391-393). While in The Hague, Mr. Sommaruga had talks with the Netherlands Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Minister for Cooperation Development on various current ICRC operations and on financial matters. The President thanked the government of the Kingdom of the Netherlands for its substantial support for the ICRC in the past and for its commitment to providing financial help in the future. During a working meeting at the Foreign Ministry with officials dealing with various geographical regions and with multilateral cooperation, the prospects for reconvening the 26th International Conference of the Red Cross and Red Crescent were reviewed. The President also had the opportunity, at a lunch given by the Swiss Ambassador to the Netherlands, to talk to the President of the Second Chamber of the Netherlands Parliament and to the Secretary-General of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs about humanitarian needs around the world and the degree of respect shown for international humanitarian law. Mr. Sommaruga was accompanied by Mr. Maurice Aubert, a member of the ICRC, Mr. Yves Sandoz, Director, and Mr. Michel Convers, Deputy Director.

I. Organizing the Government for Participation in World Affairs

1944 ◽  
Vol 38 (5) ◽  
pp. 913-930 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walter H. C. Laves ◽  
Francis O. Wilcox
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
The United States ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Modern World ◽  
Public Servants ◽  
Authoritarian State ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War

Looking at the post-war period, it seems obvious that the government of the United States will give more attention to foreign affairs than it has in any comparable period of American history. How can the machinery for conducting foreign relations best be organized to meet these increasing responsibilities?The conduct of foreign relations in the modern world is no simple matter. Technical experts, intelligence systems, ability to negotiate, national political stability, a large and loyal staff of public servants—these are but some of the national requisites for effective participation in world affairs. The mobilization and organization of the best staff resources in the country, the negotiation of national policies, and then of international agreements, constitute a formidable task under any system of government.The conduct of foreign relations is, of course, easiest in a completely authoritarian state. It is made immeasurably more difficult by any division of authority. In most non-authoritarian governments, some division of authority has been found desirable, even at the expense of occasional awkwardness of procedure, because thereby the dangers of usurpation of power are minimized. The United States has gone farther than any democratic country in dividing responsibility in foreign affairs. Not only is there the usual distinction between legislative and executive authority, but the independence of the two branches has been so far underlined that the achievement of over-all government policies (as distinct from legislative and executive policies) is extremely difficult unless the party relationships are just right between the two ends of Pennsylvania Avenue.

The Logan Act: Paper Tiger or Sleeping Giant?

1966 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 268-302 ◽  
Author(s):  
Detlev F. Vagts
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Criminal Law ◽  
Free Speech ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Foreign Government ◽  
Hands On ◽  
Criminal Statute ◽  
The Government

For 167 years the shadow of the Logan Act has fallen upon those Americans who trespass on the Federal monopoly of international negotiations which it creates. In theory, up to three years’ imprisonment and a $5,000 fine await those Americans who, without authority, communicate with a foreign government intending either (a) to influence that government with respect to a controversy with the United States or (b) to defeat the measures of the United States. Though only one indictment and no trial have taken place under the Act, who can tell when a new Administration, thinner skinned or harder pressed than its predecessors, may in its irritation call into play this sleeping giant? Now, at a time when domestic opposition to certain aspects of our foreign policy has reached a pitch unknown for many years, it would be well to reflect upon this curious product of the confluence of criminal law and foreign relations law before we are in fact confronted by a test of its strength. All could be the losers from an unpremeditated encounter—the defendant by finding himself, perhaps to his very great surprise, the first person subjected to the Act’s severe criminal penalties, the Government by finding itself stripped of its long accustomed protection by a ruling that the statute as it now reads is unconstitutionally vague or restrictive of free speech. Despite its long desuetude as a criminal statute, the Act represents a principle which I cannot help but think is, at its core, a salutary one; that America in sensitive dealings with other governments “speaks with one voice.” It embodies the concept of bipartisanship, that quarrels about foreign relations are fought out domestically and not with the adversary. It deters sometimes very ill-advised attempts to take the conduct of foreign affairs into foolish and unauthorized hands. On the other hand, it cuts into freedoms which we regard as having the highest value, and many of the situations in which its use has been suggested clearly involve no danger that would justify such a restraint.

scholarly journals PELINDUNGAN HUKUM TERHADAP TENAGA KERJA INDONESIA DI LUAR NEGERI

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 149
Author(s):  
Arpangi Arpangi
Keyword(s):  
Migrant Workers ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Public Access ◽  
National Agency ◽  
Department Of Labor ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The number of cases of migrant workers abroad, the need for a protection which is able to overcome the problems or issues that have so far linked dengaan the placement and protection of migrant workers, both before leaving for work and after returning to Indonesia. So here is required mutual coordination among the relevant agencies ranging from the local government, the department of labor and Transmigration Decree, the National Agency for Placement and Protection of Indonesian Workers (BNP2TKI), Ministry of Foreign Affairs in order to avoid overlapping of authority and mutual tug of power between institutions. The employment of various problems due to labor issues received less attention, especially for developing countries that send their employees abroad or from the country of employment. Lack of attention, lack of protection, not only because of the attention from labor-sending countries out of the country focused on the problems within the country itself, but also due to the problems of violations in the workplace are more likely sealed from public access as well as the dilemma of the workers themselves to fight for their rights. The formulation of the problem to be addressed is how the Indonesian government’s role in protecting Indonesian workers abroad? As stipulated in the Act ano. 39 2004 Article 6 that the government is responsible forenhancing the protection of migrant workers abroad, so here takes an active role from the government on how to protect workers is without pressure from other parties. In order to protectworkers is also require the participation of various parties, such as the family of migrant workers, labor organizations, and other parties that exist. In order to provide protection to workers isnot only the duty of the minister of labor alone, but also the duty of the foreign minister. This isin accordance with the wording of Article 19 (b) of Law No. 37 of 1999 on Foreign Relations,which is representative of the Republic of Indonesia is obliged to provide care, protection andlegal aid to citizens and legal entities abroad Indonesia in accordance with national legislationand international law and practice.

THE EUROPEAN PRINCIPLES OF UKRAINE-NATO RECIPROCAL RELATIONS AND THE STUDYING OF EXPERIENCE OF NEUTRALITY IN FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF SEPARATE STATES

2020 ◽  
pp. 31-35
Author(s):  
O. Volkovich
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Reciprocal Relations ◽  
Military Conflict ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Organizational Principles

The article considers European principles of reciprocal relations between Ukraine and NATO and scrutinizing the experienceof neutrality of foreign relations of separate states generating and generalizing the fundamental principles on settlement and exitfrom the Russian-Ukrainian military conflict. The attention has also been stipulated on the peculiarities on obtaining neutrality byEuropean states, scrutinizing the experience of separate countries towards settlement of external conflicts (Sweden, Finland).The government of Sweden has determined a new defense policy, related with the non-participation in wars, loses its practicalcontent and the neutral status of the mentioned countries to a certain extent becomes a symbolic consequence of historictraditions. The separate issues of fundamental principles of the development of relations between Ukraine and NATO have beenscrutinized.There’s a new tendency visible in the foreign policy of states – unlike the previous periods of time the neutral and non-blocstates do not avoid nor open the international political, economic and even military cooperation, they cooperate within theframework of UN, NATO, EU, OSCE hoping that this cooperation will facilitate the reinforcement of friendly relations betweenstates.Ukraine is presented as a sovereign, independent and stabile state, that is irreversibly loyal to the principles of democracyand the rule of law, has a prior meaning for the Euro-Atlantic security. The relations between Ukraine and NATO started thedevelopment at the beginning of the 90-ties of the XX century and since then has become one of the most significant NATOpartnerships. In the course of 2010 in Ukraine there was a tendency of measures and events predominantly related with thereview of organizational principles of cooperation with NATO and the transformation of entities responsible for this process.Starting from 2014, because of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, the Ukraine-NATO cooperation has been intensified in a set ofcritical fields. Also, a step that has not been less significant was the event that on 12 of June 2020 the NATO North AtlanticCouncil has approved the decision on granting our state the status of a NATO partner-nation with extended capabilities.

scholarly journals Media Independence through Routine Press-State Relations: Immigration and Government Statistics in the British Press

2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 202-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
William L. Allen ◽  
Scott Blinder
Keyword(s):  
State Theory ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Domestic Policy ◽  
Press Coverage ◽  
Home Office ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Government ◽  
British Press ◽  
State Relations ◽  
Government Statistics

When and how does press coverage maintain independence from governments’ preferred language? Leading scholarship argues that elites shape media content, especially in foreign affairs settings where journalists rely on official sources. But do media push back in domestic policy contexts? Focusing on immigration in Britain, we find press coverage exhibits signs of autonomy that rely on the state’s administrative branches. Our evidence comes from automated linguistic analysis of 190,000 items of migration coverage in nineteen national British newspapers from 2006 to 2015, and press releases published by the U.K. Home Office between 2010 and 2015. We show that the press increasingly portrayed immigration in terms of its scale. Then, by comparing the dynamics of a key government policy—lowering “net migration”—in press and Home Office rhetoric, we illustrate the limits of the government to insert its desired language into the press. Finally, we argue routine press interactions with the nonpolitical Office for National Statistics enabled coverage that diverged from politicians’ preferred lines. Our study contributes to press-state theory by providing evidence of media semiautonomy in a domestic policy arena, and highlighting the often-overlooked role of routine, bureaucratic procedure in supporting that autonomy.

scholarly journals Donor relations and sovereignty

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johnny Flentø ◽  
Leonardo Santos Simao
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Poverty Alleviation ◽  
Aid Effectiveness ◽  
Development Cooperation ◽  
Foreign Service ◽  
Donor Relations ◽  
International Solidarity ◽  
The Government ◽  
Foreign Ministry

As a sovereign country, Mozambique initially relied on international solidarity and managed its donor relations well. Donor dependency entailed some loss of agency for the government as it allowed donors to challenge its capacity but never its authority. However, in the last decade, donor countries have expressed disappointment with reforms and challenged the government’s legitimacy. This is not only because of developments in Mozambique. Donor countries have become less enthusiastic about long-term, harmonized development cooperation and less concerned with aid effectiveness for poverty alleviation and inclusive growth. Aid budgets are under pressure and development finance is linked more to other donor countries’ foreign policy concerns, especially security and commerce. Mozambique should expect increasing instrumentalization of aid budgets by donors. It must be able to address its partners’ concerns other than those of poverty alleviation, human rights, and democracy and carefully weigh conflicting interests of its partners against its own long-term interests. The institutions Mozambique developed to deal with donors are not well suited to today’s challenges. They focus on less relevant areas of the relationship with foreign countries, which often serve other agendas. Reforms could start with strengthening Mozambique’s foreign service as a genuine coordinator of foreign relations and the establishment of greater discipline around national plans and strategies. Institutionalizing strong links between the foreign ministry and key economic ministries under the leadership of the prime minister could help.

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