Orgány vyšetřování protistátní trestné činnosti vojenských osob po roce 1948

Author(s):  
Stanislav Polnar

Since the end of World War II, the investigation of anti-state delinquency of military personnel was realised by the military intelligence. It originated with Czechoslovak military units in the USSR and were influenced by Soviet security authorities. After 1945 and 1948 these bodies remained in the structure of the Ministry of National Defense, but from the beginning of the 1951 they moved to the structure of the Ministry of the Interior following the Soviet model. The legal status of these bodies was always unclear and did not correspond to the legal regulation. Another important article in the investigation of the political delinquency of soldiers was the military prosecutor’s office as part of the socialist-type prosecutor’s office, which was subjected to general trends in the regulation of criminal proceedings.

Author(s):  
Richard Rosen

AbstractAs many of you may remember from your first-year Tort and Constitutional Law courses, courts recognize the right of competent adults to refuse medical treatment, even if necessary to save their lives; this generally includes the right to refuse immunizations from diseases, particularly if the vaccine has not yet been approved by the Food & Drug Administration. As you also undoubtedly know, servicemembers are different. To maintain the strength and readiness of the armed forces, military personnel must undergo necessary medical treatment. Otherwise, if they become casualties to disease or other treatable disabilities, servicemembers become burdens on their units, and their jobs must be assumed by others—often leaving their units short-handed. Their illnesses or disabilities thus affect the ability of their units to accomplish their missions and may jeopardize the safety and lives of their fellow servicemembers. Indeed, until World War II, the majority of combat deaths in military units engaged in combat were due to infectious diseases rather than direct combat injuries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 82-90
Author(s):  
Boris Valentinovich Petelin ◽  
Vladilena Vadimovna Vorobeva

In the political circles of European countries attempts to reformat the history of World War II has been continuing. Poland is particularly active; there at the official level, as well as in the articles and in the speeches of politicians, political scientists and historians crude attacks against Russia for its commitment to objective assessments of the military past are allowed. Though, as the authors of this article mention, Russian politicians have not always been consistent in evaluation of Soviet-Polish relationships, hoping to reach a certain compromise. If there were any objections, they were mostly unconvincing. Obviously, as the article points, some statements and speeches are not without emotional colouring that is characteristic, when expressing mutual claims. However, the deliberate falsification of historical facts and evidence, from whatever side it occurs, does not meet the interests of the Polish and Russian peoples, in whose memory the heroes of the Red Army and the Polish Resistance have lived and will live. The authors point in the conclusions that it is hard to achieve mutual respect to key problems of World War II because of the overlay of the 18th – 19th centuries, connected with the “partitions of Poland”, the existence of the “Kingdom of Poland” as part of the Russian Empire, Soviet-Polish War of 1920. There can be only one way out, as many Russian and Polish scientists believe – to understand the complex twists and turns of Russo-Polish history, relying on the documents. Otherwise, the number of pseudoscientific, dishonest interpretations will grow.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 105-112
Author(s):  
I. А. Kazarinov ◽  

The effect of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation on military units stationed outside the Russian Federation is regulated by part 2 of article 12 of the Criminal Code, the interpretation and application of which causes a number of significant theoretical and applied problems. Based on the analysis of normative acts, international treaties and literary sources the article reveals the model of international legal regulation of responsibility of Russian soldiers; the reis a motion on the harmonization of the international norms which define the conditions of criminal jurisdiction of the Russian Federation in the military; certain private issues ofa pplication of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation in a situation when a military person commits a crime outside the Russian Federation are resolved.


2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 31-40
Author(s):  
Dominika Cendrowicz

The article’s aim is to examine the legal regulation of social welfare in Poland after World War II up to the year 1989. The article analyzes the legal position of beneficiaries of social welfare benefits in that period. The political situation in Poland after the end of World War II introduced changes in the perception of the pre-war system of social welfare. In the period of the Polish People’s Republic, social welfare was based on an incorrect legal basis and  the legal position of beneficiaries of social welfare was not protected by law. Social welfare was transferred to the Ministry of Health and its organizational system was centralized. Such a situation lasted until the Act of 29 November 1990 on Social Welfare was passed. Theoretical and historical methods of legal research were used in this article.


Author(s):  
Donald S. Inbody

The advent of absentee voting for American citizens began with the desire on the part of soldiers to participate in the electoral process. It was aided by politicians who wanted the support of those soldiers. The rise of absentee voting was later extended to nonmilitary Americans living overseas or otherwise away from their home precincts. Resistance to absentee voting was strong at first, largely on philosophical grounds (i.e., the question of why someone away from home would be interested in voting, or absentee voting inviting vote fraud). It was also resisted by political parties who were convinced that those voters may vote for the opposition candidate. Gradually, in the post-World War II years, nearly all resistance faded but never disappeared. Vestigial perceptions of the voting habits of military personnel remained as late as the first years of the 21st century. Congress was convinced to pass several voting rights laws that eventually extended the right to vote to all Americans serving in the military or living overseas, although some barriers remain to be overcome.


Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (11 (109)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Philipp Trunov

The article examines the dynamics of Germany's relations with the Nordic countries in the military-political sphere in the 2010s, taking into account the historical experience of their contacts. The author tries to explore both regional and bilateral (interstate) levels. The article shows that the foreign policy of Prussia and then Germany before the World War II, based on the active use of military instruments, was one of the reasons for Sweden (1814) and Finland (1955) to choose a neutral status in the military sphere. Chronologically, special attention is paid to the period of the new Cold War between Euro-Atlantic security community and Russia. The article attempts to show that Germany is not interested in the rejection of Sweden and Finland from their conditionally neutral status de jure. Another question is how Germany used the new Cold War to deepen and expand its contacts with all the countries of Northern Europe. The article also discusses the influence of the Donald Trump factor on these relations. Starting in 2018, we may face increased use of the Bundeswehr in military exercises organized in the region. The article attempts to analyze the determination and dynamics of this trend.


1974 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald J. Mrozek

At the end of World War II, by far the most significant pressure for integrating the aviation industry into national defense planning came neither from the major aircraft firms nor from the military. Instead, the Truman administration played the leading role in forging an important link in what later came to be called the “military-industrial complex.” Smaller businessmen and local politicians proved constant and eager supporters of that policy.


1949 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 524-534
Author(s):  
John D. Millett

Traditionally, American public interest in national defense has been sporadic, alternating between short periods of intense concern and longer periods of general indifference. Except for World War II, the only sustained military effort since 1789 was provoked by internal strife. American manpower ended the stalemate of World War I, but our participation was neither lengthy nor economically intensive.We often forget that one of the first purposes motivating the Founding Fathers was to “provide for the common defense.” Six of the eighteen clauses in Section 8 of Article I of the Constitution, defining the legislative authority of the new federal government, deal with military matters. It was no accident that in the early issues of the Federalist John Jay and Alexander Hamilton should have dwelt at length upon the defense requirements of the American states. Properly, Hamilton was concerned also to demonstrate that under the proposed constitution the military would be subject to the civilian authority.


Cinema’s Military Industrial Complex examines how the American military has used cinema and related visual, sonic, and mobile technologies to further its varied aims. The essays in this book address the way cinema was put to work for purposes of training, orientation, record keeping, internal and external communication, propaganda, research and development, tactical analysis, surveillance, physical and mental health, recreation, and morale. The contributors examine the technologies and types of films that were produced and used in collaboration among the military, film industry, and technology manufacturers. The essays also explore the goals of the American state, which deployed the military and its unique modes of filmmaking, film exhibition, and film viewing to various ends. Together, the essays reveal the military’s deep investment in cinema, which began around World War I, expanded during World War II, continued during the Cold War (including wars in Korea and Vietnam), and still continues in the ongoing War on Terror.


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